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KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 




J,^t^^^j7~-&)^.e^.^^,y'^^^ 



KANSAS IN THE 
SIXTIES 



BY 



SAMUEL J. CRAWFORD 

WAR GOVERn6R of KANSAS 



WITH PORTRAITS 




CHICAGO 

A. C. McCLURG & CO. 

1911 



f US'" 



Copyright 

A. C. McCLURG & CO. 

1911 



Published, August, 1911 



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©a M^ (Hhxihrtn 

FLORENCE CRAWFORD CAPPER 

AND 
GEORGE MARSHALL CRAWFORD 

THIS VOLUME IS 
REGARDFULLY INSCRIBED 



PREFACE 



THE author of these memoirs was bom in Lawrence 
County, Indiana, April 10, 1835 ; was reared on a 
farm, and educated in the public schools, the Bedford 
graded school, and the Law School of the Cincinnati 
College. 

His parents, William and Jane Morrow Crawford, 
were bom in Orange County, North Carolina, in 1788 
and 1792, respectively; were reared on plantations, 
educated in private schools, married in 1810, and 
emigrated to the Territory of Indiana in 1815. His 
grandfather, James Crawford, was born in Virginia, 
emigrated to North Carolina, married Miss Margaret 
Fraser, served in the Revolutionary War, and lived to 
a ripe old age. 

The ancestral line of the Crawford family is trace- 
able to a remote period in Scotland — beyond which it 
may not be prudent to go, since members of the clan, 
by reason of their clannishness, lost their heads in the 
Tower of London. 

The subject-matter of this volume was drawn from 
scenes in Kansas during the past half-century, and 
events incident to tlie Civil War west of the Mississippi. 
The period from the beginning of that war to the close 
of the Indian wars, was thrilling in the extreme. Bat- 
tles, bloody and desperate, followed each other in rapid 
succession. The States of Kansas, Missouri, Arkan- 
sas, Louisiana, and Texas, and the Indian Territory 
were torn asunder and drenched in fraternal blood. 
The commerce of the plains was destroyed by hostile 

vii 



VIH PREFACE 

tribes of Indians ; men, women, and children were killed 
and scalped, and the frontier settlements laid in ashes. 

Following these awful scenes, which I have endeav- 
ored to sketch accurately, came peace, harmony, hap- 
piness, and prosperity. The cannon were melted into 
monuments; the muskets were put away as relics of 
the past; swords were sheathed; and the bugle-call to 
arms was no longer heard. Brave boys were they who 
fell, and just as brave were they who remained to tell 
the tale. 

The author enjoys the distinction of being almost 
the last of the " War Governors," there being to his 
knowledge only one other. Governor Sprague, of Ehode 
Island, now living. 

S. J. C. 

TOPEKA, KIaNSAS, 

July, 1911. 



CONTENTS 



PART FIRST 

CHAPTER I 

FROM INDIANA TO KANSAS 

PAGE 

Practised Law in Garnett — The Free State Conven- 
tion — The Wyandotte State Convention — 
Elected to First State Legislature — The 
Drought of 1860 — Buffalo Hunt — Race for Life 
— Indian Visitors ...,,.. 1 

CHAPTER II 

the dawn of light 

Lincoln's Election — State Government — Fort Sum- 
ter Fired Upon and President's Call for Troops . 15 

CHAPTER III 

OFF TO THE WAR 

Organization of the Second Kansas Infantry — A Trip 
TO ToPEKA Behind a Wild Team — Mustered into 
U. S. Service, June 22, 1861 — Expedition to and 
Skirmish at Forsyth — Battle of Dug Springs, Au- 
gust 2, 1861 — Battle of Wilson's Creek, August 
10, 1861 — Battle of Shelbina — Regiment Returns 
to Fort Leavenworth and is Mustered Out, Octo- 
ber 31, 1861 21 

iz 



X CONTENTS 

CHAPTER IV 
the second kansas cavalry 

Treachery of U. S. Officers in Texas and New Mexico 
— General Sibley's Retreat and Remarkable Re- 
port — Expedition to New Mexico — Pursuit op 
Navajo Indians — Return to Fort Larned — Indian 
Council . , 40 

CHAPTER Y 

operations in missouri and arkansas 

Battle of Newtonia, October 4, 1862 — Night Engage- 
ment AT Cross Hollows, October 18, 1862 — Battle 
OF Old Fort Wayne, October 22, 1862 — Capture op 
Battery — Engagement at Boonsboro and Cove 
Creek, November 8, 1862 — Skirmish with Bush- 
whackers — Cavalry Fight at Carthage, November 
20, 1862 53 

CHAPTER VI 

campaign in ARKANSAS 

Battle op Cane Hill — Battle op the Boston Moun- 
tains, December 6, 1862 — Battle op Prairie Grove, 
December 7, 1862 — Armistice Requested by Gen- 
eral Hindman — Real Soldiers and Political Sol- 
diers . , , , 68 

CHAPTER VII 
raid on van buren 

Capture op Four Steamboats — Pursuit op Rebels in 
Southwest Missouri 87 

CHAPTER VIII 

expedition to CHOCTAW NATION — CAPTURE OP FORT SMITH 

Battle of Perryville — Battle of the Backbone 
Mountains, September 1, 1863 — Occupying Fort 
Smith — Adieu to the Second Kansas Cavalry . 95 



CONTENTS S 

CHAPTER IX 

THE EIGHTY-THIRD COIjORED INFANTRY 

Camp Life at Fort Smith — Orders to Move on Shreve- 
PORT — Battle of Prairie D'Ane, April 11-12, 1864 

— Disgraceful Retreat op General Steele — Skir- 
mish AT Moscow, April 13, 1864 .... 104 

CHAPTER X 

battle of poison springs — battle of jenkins 's ferry 

Black Flag — Steele's Retreat, and Pursuit by Price 
AND Kirby Smith — Battle of Jenkins's Ferry, 
April 30, 1864 — Desperate Fighting of the Eighty- 
Third — Capture of Battery — Capture and Re- 
lease OF Lieut. John 0. Lockhart, and His Report, — 
Credit op Victory Due Gen. Rice — Dispute among 
Rebel Generals — Fight Near Webber's Falls, 
June 17, 1864 — Nominated for Governor . . 116 

CHAPTER XI 

the price raid through MISSOURI 

Retreat from Jefferson City — Concentration of Fed- 
eral Troops at Kansas City — Injurious Course of 
Newspaper — Battle of the Little Blue, October 
21, 1864 — Council of War, Saturday Night, Octo- 
ber 22, 1864 — Battle of Westport, October 23, 1864 

— Retreat toward Fort Scott .... 139 

CHAPTER XII 

price's retreat and escape 

Battle of Mine Creek — Charge of Colonels Phillips 
and Bentebn — Gen. Price's Report — Battle of 
the Little Osage, October 25, 1864 — Gen. Shelby's 
Report — Puice Demoralized — The Pursuit — His 
Escape — The Last Ditch 157 



XU CONTENTS 



PART SECOND 



CHAPTER XIII 
election of 1864 

Democratic National Convention — Geo. B. McClellan 
Nominated for President 185 

CHAPTER XIV 
national union convention of 1864 

President Lincoln Nominated for Re-election — Re- 
sult OF THE Election — The Confederacy Doomed 194 

CHAPTER XV 

the KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS AND ELECTION OF 1864 

State Militia and Political Generals — Result of the 
Election — Governor 's Message — Reorganization 
OF the State Militia — The Second Inauguration . 
OP President Lincoln — On to City Point — Assas- 
sination OF President Lincoln , . . . 200 

CHAPTER XVI 
homeward bound 

Indian Marauders — State Officers — Immigration So- 
ciety 222 

CHAPTER XVII 
1866 

Railroads — Indian Depredations — Battle Flags — 
Suicide of Senator Lane — Re-elected Governor — 
A Double Wedding — State University — State Ag- 
ricultural College 229 



CONTENTS XIH 

CHAPTER XVIII 

second term 
Important Laws — Protection for the Frontier — 
Hostile Indians 245 

CHAPTER XIX 

council at medicine lodge 
Statement of Indian Depredations — Indian Diplom- 
acy — Treaties — Bad Osages — Thanksgiving 
Proclamation 263 

CHAPTER XX 
The Legislature of 1868 284 

CHAPTER XXI 

hostile INDIANS 

Raid on Council Grove — Massacre in the Solomon 
AND Republican Valleys — Despatch to President 
Johnson — Battle op the Arickaree . . . 287 

CHAPTER XXII 
indian land frauds 

Attempted Steal of the Osage Lands — Letter and 
Memorlil to U. S. Senate — Defeat op Land-Grab- 
BERs — Cherokee Neutral Lands — Opposed by 
State Officers — Fraudulent Sale op the Sac and 
Fox Lands 299 

CHAPTER XXIII 
fall and v^inter campaign of 1868-69 
Resignation as Governor — Off to Camp Supply — Cus- 
ter's Fight w^ith Band of Cheyennes — Captive. 
Slain — Gen. Sheridan's Account — Surrender of 
Indian Chiefs — Col. Moore's Report of the Pur- 
suit and Release of Captives — The Mistaken Pol- 
icy of the Government 317 

CHAPTER XXIV 
Review — Personal 337 



Xiv CONTENTS 



PART THIRD 



CHAPTER XXV 

peace and politics 

Triumph of Boodlers in Electing U. S. Senator — De- 
feat OF Pomeroy and Election of Senator Ingalls 345 

CHAPTER XXVI 
Perils op the Tariff Policy 350 

CHAPTER XXVII 

State Claims and Railroad Grants — Appointed State 
Agent at Washington 353 

CHAPTER XXVIII 

general practice 

Recovery of Lands and Moneys for the Indians — Qua- 
paw Treaties and Governmental Mismanagement 360 

CHAPTER XXIX 

Back to the Farm — Farming with Dynamite . . 368 

CHAPTER XXX 
Conclusion 377 

APPENDIX 

Territory and State of Kansas — The Lecompton Con- 
stitution — The Mineola and Leavenw^orth Consti- 
tution — The Wyandotte Constitution — Admis- 
sion OF THE State of Kansas — Population — Mem- 
bers OF Kansas State Government, 1861 — Roster 
OF Regimental Officers, Second Kansas Infantry, 
May, 1861 — Regimental Officers Second Kansas 
Cavalry, March, 1862 — Roster of Regimental Offi- 



CONTENTS XV 

CERS Second Kansas Colored Infantry (Afterward 
Designated the Eighty-third U. S. Colored Troops) 
— Members Kansas State Legislature, 1865 — Mem- 
bers Kansas State Legislature, 1866 — Members 
Kansas State Government, 1867 — Roster of Offi- 
cers Eighteenth Kansas Cavalry, July 15, 1867 — 
Members Kansas Staie Legislature, 1868 — Address 
OF Hon. John Dawson on the Legislature op 1868 
(Delivered before the Kansas State Historical So- 
ciety, December 4, 1906) — Call for State Troops, 
September 10, 1868 — Roster of Officers, Frontier 
Battalion, 1868 — Cherokee Treaty of 1868 — Call 
FOR State Troops, October 10, 1868 — Thanksgiving 
Proclamation, November 4, 1868 — Roster of the 
Nineteenth Kansas Cavalry 381 

Index ..£..>•••• 433 



PORTRAITS 



Samuel J. Crawford Frontispiece 

Colonel Samuel J. Crawford, at 28 Years of Age . 136 

Gen. and Mrs. Samuel J, Crawford : Gen. Crawford at 
32 Years of Age 242 



xvii 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



PART FIRST 



CHAPTER I 

FEOM INDIANA TO KANSAS 

PRACTISED LAW IN GARNETT THE FREE STATE CONVEN- 
TION THE WYANDOTTE STATE CONVENTION ELECTED 

TO FIRST STATE LEGISLATURE THE DROUGHT OF 1860 

BUFFALO HUNT RACE FOR LIFE INDIAN VISITORS. 

HAVING received an early training for the battle 
of life, I bade adieu to friends and the scenes of 
childhood, and turned my face toward Kansas, a new 
planet then rising in the West, and struggling to throw 
off the barnacle of human slavery and assume its 
proper position among the Free States of the Union. 

Eight hours brought me to the Mississippi by rail 
and across on the old ferry to the city of St. Louis. 
From there, after viewing the sights, I took passage 
on a Missouri River steamer and without incident of 
note, in due time reached Kansas City, then a village of 
cabins, but now a most beautiful city standing upon 
many hills. 

On the first day of March, 1859, in company with 
a young man from the State of Illinois, I crossed the 
line on foot into the Territory of Kansas, and after a 
tiresome journey over broad prairies, with only an 

1 



2 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

occasional settler's cabin to be seen, we reached the 
town of Garnett, seventy-five miles distant from Kan- 
sas City, on the morning of March 4, 1859. 

The town looked good to me ; the surrounding coun- 
try, interspersed with winding streams and forests 
green, stretching away as far as the eye could reach, 
was enchanting; and the citizens were plain, generous- 
hearted people, who extended the right hand of fellow- 
ship and welcomed us to stay and cast our lot with 
them. I at once determined to make Garnett my future 
home, and immediately engaged quarters at the new 
hotel on Quality Hill, at three dollars per week. 

PRACTISED LAW IN GARNETT 

Soon thereafter I opened an office on the Public 
Square and settled down to the practice of the law. 

My travelling companion resolved to look farther; 
but going alone, he soon became discouraged and re- 
turned to the home of his youth, to discover later that 
he had made a serious mistake. His intentions were 
good, but like many other young men starting in life, 
he lacked staying qualities. 

Having determined on making Garnett my future 
home, I sent back to Kansas City for my worldly goods, 
including a law library, which, at that early date, was 
above the average in Southern Kansas. In due time I 
acquired a fairly good practice, which steadily in- 
creased until the War of the Eebellion broke out. 

Garnett was the county seat of Anderson County, 
and when I located there it had a population of about 
six hundred people. The county was but sparsely 
settled, while a vast area of rich public land awaited 
the coming of home-seekers. 

The laws of Kansas Territory, at that time, were 
substantial!}^ the same as the laws of Missouri, re- 
enacted by a bogus Legislature composed largely of 
citizens of Missouri and other Slave States, who had 
come to Kansas and elected themselves members of the 



FROM INDIANA TO KANSAS 3 

Territorial Legislature. The Missouri statutes were 
made applicable by striking out the words, "■ State of 
Missouri," where they appeared in the statutes of that 
State, and inserting in lieu thereof, the words, " Kan- 
sas Territory." These bogus statutes protected slav- 
ery in the Territory of Kansas, as the Missouri statutes 
protected it in that State. Hence, it took time and be- 
came necessary for young lawyers coming into the 
Territory to study our Proslavery statutes and sepa- 
rate, if they could, that portion which was applicable, 
from the mass of confused and contradictory stuff that 
was wholly inapplicable. 

But the lawyers, young and old, did the best they 
could under the circumstances. When they were con- 
sulted in regard to a law that was not applicable or 
that ran counter to the prevailing opinion among the 
Free-State men, — such, for instance, as the Slave Code, 
copied from the Missouri statutes, or the Fugitive 
Slave Law, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, — 
they would sometimes advise their clients to let their 
cases go by default, lest their adversary appeal to the 
Higher Court at Osawatomie, whose decrees, if just, 
were not always tempered with mercy. 

The Summer of 1859 in Southern Kansas was de- 
lightful, and the mile-posts were passed in rapid suc- 
cession. Once each week, when the rivers could be 
forded, Zack Squires would bring the mail in a hack 
from Lawrence, and occasionally the lawyers would go 
to the Land Office at Lecompton to attend to preemp- 
tion and land cases; otherwise, the current of events 
flowed smoothly. 

THE FKEE-STATE CONVENTION 

On May 18, 1859, the Free-State people of the Terri- 
tory assembled at Osawatomie and organized the Re- 
publican party in Kansas. At this convention, Horace 
Greeley, of The Neiv York Tribune, made a speech, in 
the course of which he said : 



4 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

" Freemen of Kansas! I would inspire you with no 
unwarranted, no overweening confidence of success in the 
great struggle directly before us. I have passed the age of 
illusions, and no longer presume a party or cause destined to 
triumph merely because I know it should. On the contrary, 
when I consider how vast are the interests and influences 
combined to defeat us, the three thousand millions of prop- 
erty in human flesh and blood, the subserviency of commerce 
to this great source of custom and profit, the prevalence of 
ignorance and of selfishness affecting the many millions 
prodigally lavished by the vvdelders of Federal authority, the 
lust of office, and the prevalence of corruption, I often regard 
the struggle of 1860 with less of hope than of apprehension. 
Yet, when I think of the steady diffusion of intelligence, the 
manifest antagonism between the Slavery Extensionists and 
the interests of Free Labor, when I consider how vital and 
imminent is the necessity for the passage of the Free Land 
Bill ; when I feel how the very air of the nineteenth century 
vibrates to the pulsations of the great heart of Humanity, 
beating higher and higher with aspirations for universal 
freedom, until even barbarous Eussia is intent on striking 
off the shackles of her fettered millions, I cannot repress the 
hope that we are on the eve of a grand, beneficent victory. 
But, whether destined to be waved in triumph over our next 
great battlefield, or trodden into its mire through our defeat, 
I entreat you to keep the Republican flag flying in Kansas, 
so long as one man can anywhere be rallied to defend it. 
Defile not the glorious dust of the martyred dead whose 
freshly grassed graves lie thickly around us, by trailing that 
flag in dishonor, or folding it in cowardly despair on this 
soil so lately reddened by their patriotic blood. If it be 
destined, in the mysterious Providence of God, to go down, 
let the sunlight which falls lovingly upon their graves catch 
the last defiant wave of its folds in the breeze which sweeps 
over these prairies; let it be burned, not surrendered, when 
no one remains to uphold it; and let its ashes rest forever 
with theirs by the banks of the Marias des Cygnes! " 

After the organization of the Republican party, the 
Proslavery people who remained in the Territory 
united with the old-line Democrats, who did not seem 



FROM INDIANA TO KANSAS 5 

to care whether slavery was voted up or voted down, 
and thereafter sulked in their tents until the War of the 
Rebellion broke out, when most of them stood for the 
Union and proved their loyalty on the field of battle. 

On November 19, 1858, President Buchanan ap- 
pointed Samuel Medary, of Ohio, as Governor of the 
Territory, and made other spasmodic efforts to check 
the dastardly abuses and high-handed outrages of Pro- 
slavery officials in Kansas. But he was handicapped 
by traitors in his Cabinet and in both Houses of Con- 
gress, who blocked his pathway at every step. 

Governor Medary tried to be decent, but it was im- 
possible for him to do his duty and hold his position. 
He took the oath of office before Chief Justice Taney of 
the Supreme Court in Washington, on December 1, 
1858, and arrived in Kansas December 17. 

On January 3, 1859, the Territorial Legislature con- 
vened at Lecompton, and on the seventh it adjourned 
to meet and hold its session at Lawrence. 

THE WYANDOTTE STATE CONVENTION 

In pursuance of authority from the Legislature, 
Governor Medary, on March 7, issued his proclamation 
calling an election to decide on holding a Constitutional 
Convention. The election was held on March 28, and 
the majority for a Constitution and State Government 
was 3,881. So, on April 19, the Governor announced 
an election to be held on June 4, for delegates, and des- 
ignated Wyandotte as the place of meeting. On July 
5, the delegates elect assembled and organized, as pro- 
vided by law. The following is a complete list of the 
members : 

Member, and County Represented. Member, and County EepresentPd. 

J. M. Arthur, Linn. Josiah Lamb, Linn. 

Caleb May, Atchison. S. A. Kingman, Brown. 

J. J. Ingalls, Atchison. John P. Greer, Shawnee. 

E. L. Williams, Douglas. J. A. Middleton, Marshall. 

B. F. Simpson, Lykins (Miami). P. H. Townsend, Douglas. 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



Member, and County Eepresented. 

H. D. Preston, Shawnee. 

W. K. Griffith, Bourbon. 

T. S. Wright, Nemaha. 

S. E. Hoffman, Woodson. 

L. K. Palmer, Potawatami. 

Jas. Hanway, Franklin. 

Jas, Blood, Douglas. 

Ed. Stokes, Douglas. 

J. P. Slough, Leavenworth. 

C. B. McClelland, Jefferson. 

J. Stiarwalt, Doniphan. 

P. S. Parks, Leavenworth. 

Samuel Hippie, Leavenworth. 

Wm. C. McDowell, Leavenworth. 

John Wright, Leavenworth. 

E. C. Foster, Leavenworth. 

J. T. Barton, Johnson. 

B. Wrigley, Doniphan. 

J. Ritchie, Shawnee. 

J. H. Signor, Allen. 

J. M. Winchell, Osage. 



Member, and County Represented. 

J. C. Burnett, Bourbon, 

N. C. Blood, Douglas. 

G. H. Lillie, Madison. 

A. Crocker, Coffey. 

Jas G. Blunt, Anderson. 

W. Hutchinson, Douglas. 

S. O. Thacher, Douglas. 

S. D. Houston, Riley. 

W. McCuUoch, Morris. 

J. W. Forman, Doniphan. 

E M. Hubbard, Doniphan. 

Fred Brown, Leavenworth. 

S. A. Stinson, Leavenworth. 

A. D. McCune, Leavenworth. 

Wm. Perry, Leavenworth. 

Robt. Graham, Atchison. 

E. Moore, Jackson. 

W. P. Dutton, Lykins (Mami). 

E. G. Ross, Wabaunsee. 

E. J. Porter, Doniphan. 

J. T. Burris, Johnson. 



J. M. Winchell , 
John A. Martin 
G. F. Warren 



President 
Secretary 
Sergeant-at-Arms 



On July 29, the Convention completed its work and 
submitted it to a vote of the people for ratification or 
rejection. On October 4, 1859, an election was held and 
the Constitution ratified by a vote of about two to one. 



ELECTED TO FIRST STATE LEGISLATURE 

On December 6, 1859, in accordance with the Con- 
stitution previously adopted, an election was held for 
the purpose of selecting State Officers, Judges of the 
Supreme Court, a Member of Congress, and Members 
of the State Legislature. At this election I was chosen 
as a Member of the House of Representatives by an 
overwhelming majority. 

Thus after a struggle of five years, between the 
Free-State and Proslavery parties, with the Govern- 
ment at Washington on the side of the slave power, and 
a horde of assassins and border- ruffians from the Slave 



FROM INDIANA TO KANSAS 7 

States prowling about the Territory and seeking the 
lives of Free-State settlers, the foundation for a Free- 
State Government was laid in solid granite. 

It was the beginning of the end. The Free-State 
men, though greatly outnumbered when the struggle 
began, stood their ground resolutely and returned blow 
for blow. From the beginning it was war to the knife. 
The magnitude of the issue involved was scarcely un- 
derstood by either of the contending forces. The ob- 
ject of the Free-State people was to make Kansas a 
free State and secure homes therein. The purpose of 
the Proslavery party was to make Kansas a Slave State 
and thereby make slavery national and freedom 
sectional. 

Yes, it was the beginning of a new era ; a deadly 
blow at the institution of human slaverj^ In Kansas 
the battle was over, and we had only to wait for the cur- 
tain to rise and reveal a new and most brilliant star in 
the blue field of the West. From this time forward, the 
Free-State men held the political reins, until Mr. Lin- 
coln was elected President, and the State of Kansas 
was admitted into the Union. 

At that time the Territory extended from the west- 
ern boundarj^ of the State of Missouri to the summit of 
the Rocky Mountains, and from the thirty-seventh to 
the fortieth degree of north latitude ; a vast area of un- 
preempted public lands, rich in agricultural and min- 
eral resources and open to the settlement rights of the 
people. 

The Winter of 1859-60 was pleasant : the settlers 
were breaking the primeval soil, erecting homes, and 
planting orchards; and evidence of thrift and pros- 
perity was visible on every hand. 

THE DROUGHT OF 1860 

The Spring and Summer of 1860 came and passed 
without any rainfall, and yet the prairie grass was nu- 
tritious, the cattle and horses were rolling fat, and wild 



8 KA.NSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

game we had in abundance ; besides, the gardens were 
fairly good, and a considerable quantity of corn was 
produced on the valley lands. So, as a matter of fact, 
there was no real suffering for food on account of the 
drought. 

And yet it was proclaimed by aid solicitors, at home 
and abroad, who were at work largely for themselves, 
rather than for suffering humanity, that the people 
of Kansas were living on roots and herbs, and many of 
them actually starving. That was not true. Neverthe- 
less, a vast amount of provisions, clothing, and money 
was contributed by honest, sympathetic people in States 
east of the Mississippi and shipped to the Kansas Aid 
Society for distribution. Some of the provisions and 
clothing were distributed where they would do the most 
good, but as for the distribution of the money that was 
sent, no report as yet has been made. The whole 
scheme was a fraud, and it gave Kansas a set-back 
from which the Territory and State did not recover for 
many years. 

Anderson County, where I resided at that time, was 
perhaps an average of the counties in the Territory, 
and the people of the county refused absolutely to ac- 
cept any of the ' ' aid goods ' ' ; yet they fared almost as 
well as they had in previous years. One enterprising 
merchant sent three wagons to the Missouri River for 
supplies, but when they returned laden with beans and 
stale provisions, the people would not accept the stuff. 
The teamsters brought suit against the merchant for 
freight charges, and the goods when sold did not pay 
for the cost of transportation. 

The Territory was then but sparsely settled, and 
while the drought of that year was a heavy blow, it by 
no means made beggars of the bona fide settlers. Gro- 
ceries and clothing could be bought then, as now, and 
wild game in abundance was within easy reach. Flocks 
of prairie chickens were within rifle-shot of almost 
every cabin door. Deer were plentiful, and buffalo by 



FROM INDUNA TO KANSAS 9 

the million roamed the plains, from our then frontier 
settlements to the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains. 

BUFFALO HUNT 

During the Fall of 1860, the year of our ever-mem- 
orable drought, I had the pleasure of accompanying a 
hunting party to the buffalo range. On the first of Oc- 
tober, our party, consisting of sixteen braves, with 
four wagons, and a good supply of arms, ammunition, 
saddle hores, etc., started from Gamett and journeyed 
westward through Coffey, Greenwood, and Butler 
Counties to the border-line where civilization and sav- 
agery met. J. R. Meade's ranch on the White Water, 
eight miles west of old Eldorado, was the outpost, the 
last of the white man's habitations. From there west- 
ward we were guided by moccasin tracks and the buf- 
falo trail. 

The first night in the savage regions we camped on 
the west bank of the Little Arkansas River, five miles 
north of where the city of Wichita now stands. Before 
crossing the river that evening, we saw our first buffalo, 
and that night the wolves threatened an attack from all 
sides. The next morning one of our warriors, who had 
*' fought Indians from the Powder River country to 
the Staked Plains of Texas," startled our Nimrods 
with the statement that while strolling out that morn- 
ing, he had discovered the trail of an Osage war party 
going west. This had a tendency to dampen the ardor 
of those who heard the story. After discussing the re- 
port briefly, we deemed it advisable to organize for 
offensive warfare; whereupon I was unanimously 
elected Captain, with instructions to allow no guilty 
Osage to approach the camp. 

After breakfast the expedition moved south and 
crossed the main Arkansas River near the junction of 
the two rivers. Wliile the command was crossing the 
river and winding its way through the low bottom to 
higher ground, I crossed and rode down on the west 



10 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

side, crossed again to tlie east, and selected the site 
where Wichita now stands; but of this I shall speak 
later on. That night we camped on the Cowskin, about 
twelve miles from the Arkansas Eiver. From the Cow- 
skin we moved in a southwesterly direction to the Nin- 
nescah, some forty miles from the Arkansas, and there 
camped and killed buffalo, deer, and wild turkey for a 
week or so ; then we moved due north to the Arkansas, 
and thence north to Cow Creek, about fifteen miles 
above where the city of Hutchinson now stands. Here 
we camped two weeks, and after killing all the buffalo, 
deer, turkey, geese, ducks, and other things essential, 
we folded our tents, packed our wagons with the fruits 
of the expedition, and turned our faces toward 
civilization. 

The first day on our return brought us to the cross- 
ing of Cow Creek, and thence southward a mile to a 
beautiful grove of large cottonwood trees on the Ar- 
kansas River. 

RACE FOR LIFE 

When we crossed Cow Creek, one of our athletes, 
William Wetts, suggested that while the other fellows 
were going on to the grove and making camp, he and I 
should go north a half-mile, where a large herd of buf- 
falo were grazing, and kill just one more for luck. I 
readily accepted his proposition, and when the boys 
had moved on we two started and walked slowly toward 
the herd. 

It was our intention to select a young buffalo and, 
when within proper distance, both shoot at the same 
time. As yet the buffalo had not scented us and we 
moved closer and closer until within about two hundred 
yards of the one we had selected as our meat. While 
waiting for the innocent little fellow to turn partly 
around so as to give us a better aim, a huge buffalo 
bull away back in the herd, snuffed danger from afar, 
and, raising his head, saw us standing out m the open 



FROM INDIANA TO KANSAS 11 

prairie with guns at ready. The old bison instantly 
threw himself into line of battle, and, sounding the war- 
whoop, started toward us at a rattling pace. 

Billy, my companion, had previously talked much 
of his prowess and athletic attainments ; and I, as Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the expedition, had, no doubt, said 
some things indicative of what I might be able to do 
under extraordinary circumstances ; but now, the time 
for boasting had passed. A really dangerous foe was 
approaching at a rapid pace. The other warriors of 
our command were in camp a mile and a half distant. 
Here we were standing, like two orphans, in bold relief 
out on a broad smooth prairie with absolutely nothing 
behind which we could take shelter. 

My first thought was to let the brute come within 
close range and then deploy to the right and left and 
both give him a broad-sider as he passed, and I so di- 
rected. But when he got within fifty or sixty paces of 
our line, Billy, the left wing of my army, broke and 
started at the top of his speed back over the trail on 
which we had moved out. Not wishing to fight the bat- 
tle all alone, I quickly followed, thinking we might 
reach the crossing of Cow Creek, a half-mile away. 

The speed of a buffalo is about the same as that 
of an average horse — but they seemingly never tire. 
From previous boasting, our speed was supposed to be 
about the same as that of a deer or an antelope. We 
were both in our prime — twenty-five years of age and 
in fine running trim. Billy was short in stature and 
fat as a pig; and I was tall, lean, and slept little o' 
nights. 

When Billy broke our line of battle, I was resting 
with one knee on the ground and ready to leap to one 
side and shoot the buffalo behind the fore shoulder, 
our favorite place for shooting them. The range of the 
guns we then had was short, and a rifle ball would not 
penetrate the skull of a buffalo. So, when Billy started, 
I hastily concluded to reserve my fire and go with him. 



12 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

When I started, he was already under full sail about 
fifteen or twenty paces in advance, but in a few mo- 
ments I was by his side and, in fact, slightly gaining on 
him. He called to me, saying, '* Crawford, don't 
leave me ! Let 's die together ! " I then slackened my 
pace and we ran side by side for about a quarter of a 
mile, holding our distance pretty well ahead of the 
buffalo. 

But by this time we were beginning to tire and Billy 
was breathing quite loud and fast. Then the buffalo 
began gradually to gain on us. After running perhaps 
two hundred yards farther, I was pretty tired, but 
Billy was about exhausted; then I saw, a mile to our 
left-front, some men in a two-horse wagon coming at 
full speed to our relief. That encouraged us somewhat 
and we made a half-turn to meet the wagon. The buf- 
falo turned when we did, and was within twenty feet 
of us, when the horses, running at full speed, struck 
him broadside; then he turned away toward the Ar- 
kansas River, apparently as fresh as when the race be- 
gan. We did not give him a parting shot but the boys 
from camp, seeing the conclusion of our run for life, 
went out with their guns and took his scalp before he 
reached the river. 

While out on this hunting expedition, every member 
of our party had his experience, which was both new 
and beneficial. At that time the wild Indians were 
roaming the plains in search of anything they might 
find lying around loose. The Osages and Kaws were 
also out, laying in their winter supply of buffalo meat, 
and watching for a chance to steal ponies from the wild 
tribes, and horses from hunting parties. 

INDIAN VISITORS 

On one occasion a party of friendly Osages ap- 
proached our camp, with good intentions, of course, but 
did not venture within range of our guns. No doubt 
it was the same band that had crossed the Little 



FROM INDUNA TO KANSAS 13 

Arkansas a few hours ahead of us when we were going 
out. The Osages at that time, when on their reserva- 
tion, were a noble specimen of the half -civilized tribes ; 
but when out on the plains hunting, they stuck feathers 
in their war-bonnets and went wild as the Cheyennes ; 
yet like all other Indians, and many white people, they 
had a wholesome respect for force. They would steal 
anything they could get their hands on and plunder the 
camps of small hunting parties, when there was no dan- 
ger of losing their own scalps; but people who under- 
stood them had little to fear. 

Our visitors were anxious to come into camp, but 
seeing resolute men with guns in their hands, concluded 
that discretion was the better part of valor, and sat on 
their fleet ponies in battle array until '' Old Eelia- 
bility " (J. P. Hiner), a young man of twenty, and my- 
self, went out and motioned them to move on. No doubt 
we should have had trouble with this band but for the 
fact that their mortal enemies, the Cheyennes and Ara- 
pahoes, two wild warlike tribes of the plains, were lying 
in wait for them a day or so's journey to the west. 
For the Cheyennes and Arapahoes they had a whole- 
some respect, because when they met on the open 
prairie, the surviving Osages usually went back to their 
reservation on foot. 

These were but a part of the thrilling events inci- 
dent to this hunting expedition of Territorial days. To 
relate all the wild rides, reckless adventures, and hair- 
breadth escapes would require a volume. What has 
already been said is sufficient to give the young people 
of the present day an idea of the hunter's life and con- 
ditions generally, on the border at an early day. 

Having accomplished the purpose of the expedition 
and established a reputation as hunters, we called in 
the guard, folded our tents and turned our faces home- 
ward. On our return to Gamett, early in November, 
the fruits of the expedition — four wagon-loads of 
choice meats and a train-load of romance — were dis- 



14 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

tributed among the good people of Anderson County, 
and in return, the happy girls with rosy cheeks and 
calico frocks, gave us a '* buffalo dance " that was en- 
joyed by all, and especially by those who had roamed 
the plains for a month in search of something to kill. 

While out hunting, our party had no difficulty in 
finding all the buffalo we wanted ; and the same is true 
of other parties who went out that Fall. There were 
millions of buffalo and deer in the territory now em- 
braced in the counties of Sumner, Sedgwick, Reno, Rice, 
McPherson, Saline, Ellsworth, Ottawa, Mitchell, Cloud, 
and Republic ; all within reach of the people of Kansas. 
The buffalo meat in the fall of the year, when the ani- 
mals were fat, was in every way equal to that of corn- 
fed beeves, and, I think, superior. 



/> 



CHAPTER II 

the dawn of light 
Lincoln's election — state government — fort sum- 

TER fired upon AND PRESIDENT'S CALL FOR TROOPS, 

THE Winter of 1860-61 was pleasant, and all eyes 
were turned on Congress to see what might be 
done with our new Constitution. The Free-State peo- 
ple wanted it accepted, and the State admitted into the 
Union. The Proslavery people were still hoping 
against hope. The struggle in Kansas had been long 
and sometimes bitter and bloody, but now the people 
were quiet, and things generally had become normal. 

The Act of Congress of May 30, 1854, establishing 
the Territory of Kansas, left the question of slavery to 
be decided by the bona fide settlers of the Territory; 
that Act was subsequently followed by a decision of the 
Supreme Court which authorized the slave-owners to 
take their human chattels into any of the Territories 
of the United States. 

Kansas, being contiguous to a Slave State and well 
adapted to slave labor, became at once a bone of con- 
tention between the Free-State and Proslavery people. 
The latter were desperate, and resorted to every means, 
fair and foul, honest and dishonest, to establish slavery 
in Kansas. Their dupes from Western Missouri, not 
one in a hundred of whom owned a slave, swarmed 
across the border into Kansas and committed crimes 
most brutal and barbarous. They came in squads, com- 
panies, and regiments, and (as already shown) elected 
citizens of Missouri as members of the Territorial Leg- 
islature — a Legislature, the majority of whose mem- 

15 



16 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

bers committed perjury when they took the oath of of- 
fice. They met at the Shawnee Mission, near Westport, 
Missouri, and enacted a code of laws for the Territory 
of Kansas by taking the statutes of Missouri and strik- 
ing out the words, *' State of Missouri," where they 
appeared, and inserting in their place the words, 
** Kansas Territory." Such were our laws until sub- 
sequently changed by a Free-State Legislature. 

The Missourians, reinforced by renegades from 
other Slave States, and led by David Atchison, Colonel 
Doniphan, Jim Burnes, Stringfellow, Buford, and 
smaller lights, raided the settlements of Kansas, robbed 
and murdered Free-State settlers, burned their houses, 
sacked the city of Lawrence, and committed other out- 
rages horrible to relate. 

But while these scenes were being enacted by the 
Proslavery cohorts under the eye of the administration 
at Washington, and with the assistance of Federal of- 
ficers in Kansas, the Free-State men and women were 
not unmindful of their rights, nor indifferent as to re- 
sults. James H. Lane, Charles Robinson, John Brown, 
S. C. Pomeroy, Marcus J. Parrott, W. A. Phillips, Mrs. 
Charles Robinson, and many other heroic men and 
women were in the saddle, booted and spurred, and 
ready to do and die in defence of their homes, of free- 
dom and of a Free State. 

From '54 to '57 the Proslaveiy people had behind 
them the Federal Government, the Territorial Govern- 
ment, the United States Army, and a horde of border 
ruffians from Western Missouri; but the Free-State 
people stood firm as the Spartans at Thermopylae, and 
returned blow for blow. 

Finally the tide reached its zenith and the cohorts 
of slavery began to waver. By the election of 1856, 
James Buchanan, whose eyes were dim, succeeded 
Franklin Pierce as President — but the vote for Fre- 
mont, the Republican nominee of that year, indicated 
a fast gathering storm. The slogan of Republicans in 



THE DAWN OF LIGHT 17 

that campaign was, Free speech, free press, free Kan- 
sas, and Fremont; and the result was sufficient to open 
the eyes of all who cared to see. 

On the fourth day of March, 1857, Mr. Buchanan 
was inaugurated as President; and while he slightly 
modified the policy of his predecessor, and timidly tried 
to clip the wings of the Proslavery birds that had been 
flying high in Kansas, he failed utterly and ignomini- 
ously. At the beginning he surrounded himself with 
Cabinet officers and Proslavery advisers, most of whom 
were saturated with treason and already laying their 
plans for secession. 

After the election of 1856, the immigration to Kan- 
sas was largely from the Free States, and soon the 
prairies were dotted over with the cabins of Free- 
State settlers ; new towns sprang up as if by magic, and 
the newcomers were busy selecting claims on the pub- 
lic domain for peraianent homes. 

In the Fall of 1857 a new Legislature was elected 
by the Free-State party and new laws enacted. During 
the years 1858, 1859 immigration continued to pour 
into the Territory and push on to the frontier settle- 
ments, and new fields of golden grain gladdened the 
hearts of the people. The Constitution we had adopted 
and submitted to Congress was Republican in form, 
and settled for all time the question as to whether Kan- 
sas should be a Free or Slave State. 

The year 1860 in Kansas was like the dead calm be- 
fore a storm. Peace and quiet reigned throughout the 
Territory. Every day the sun shone brightly, without 
a drop of rain from January to January. All eyes 
were on the political storm then raging in the States. 
The political horizon was dark and foreboding, with an 
admixture of purple clouds which occasionally sent 
forth forked streaks of lightning. The battle for free- 
dom having been won in Kansas, the question of 
slavery was transferred to the States for final 
determination. 



18 kansas in the sixties 

Lincoln's election 

Abraham Lincoln, who had been nominated as the 
Eepublican candidate for the Presidency, stood reso- 
lutely bearing aloft the banner of freedom. 

John Bell, an old-line Whig, and Stephen A. Doug- 
las, an old-line Democrat, were the nominees of their 
respective parties, and stood for the Government as it 
was, not caring whether the Territories adopted or re- 
jected slavery. 

John C. Breckenridge was the standard-bearer of 
the Proslavery people, who were struggling under the 
** Dred Scott " decision, to make slavery national and 
freedom sectional. 

From start to finish, it was a red-hot fight, with 
justice, humanity, and the heavy artillery on the Re- 
publican side. Mr. Lincoln, the grandest American of 
them all, and true as the needle to the pole, was elected. 
His election meant war — and war it was. 

The rejoicing in Kansas over the election of Mr. Lin- 
coln had scarcely subsided, when further glad tidings 
of joy were flashed over the wires from Washington, 
announcing that Kansas had been admitted into the 
Union as a sovereign State. This was glory enough, 
because the people had long felt the injustice of tyr- 
anny and taxation without representation. 

Thus ended the stormy scenes of Territorial days; 
the rule and misrule of heartless officials. One by one, 
they packed their duds and stole silently away. What 
else they stole has not, as yet, been fully revealed. One 
thing is certain: they left the Territorial Treasury 
empty. Another is equally certain: an appropriation 
by Congress of fifty thousand dollars for the erection 
of a Territorial building was drawn from the Treasury 
at Washington, but no building was erected. And still 
another: the ballot-boxes were stolen by Territorial 
officials and stuffed with fraudulent votes, in order to 
enable them to certify the election of Proslavery men to 



THE DAWN OF LIGHT 19 

the State Legislature. But they are gone, most of them 
to the happy hunting-grounds ; and may the good Lord 
look with pity and compassion upon their benighted 
souls and official iniquities ! 

STATE GOVERNMENT 

As previously mentioned, the State of Kansas was 
admitted into the Union on January 29, 1861. On Feb- 
ruarj^ 9, the Hon. Charles Eobinson took the oath of of- 
fice as Governor, and issued his proclamation directing 
the members elected to the first State Legislature to 
assemble at Topeka on March 26, 1861. At the time 
designated the Legislature convened, organized, and 
notified the Governor that the two Houses were ready 
to receive any communication he had to make. 

The new State Government, which went into opera- 
tion on February 9, 1861, was divided into three sepa- 
rate and distinct departments, namely, the Executive, 
the Legislative, and the Judicial.* 

The Senate consisted of twenty-five members with 
Lieutenant-Governor J. P. Root as the presiding of- 
ficer, and John J. Ingalls as Secretary. 

The House of Representatives consisted of one hun- 
dred members, and elected W. W. Updegraff as 
Speaker, D. B. Emmert as Chief Clerk, and A. R. Banks 
as Assistant. 

After the appointment of Committees and the re- 
ception of the Governor's Message, the next important 
duty was that of electing two United States Senators. 
A number of prominent gentlemen from different parts 
of the State were candidates; and after balloting in 
joint session for two hours, James H. Lane, of Law- 
rence, and Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Atchison, were de- 
clared elected. Lane at all times during the balloting 
had a majority of the votes cast ; but as between Pom- 
eroy and Marcus J. Parrott, of Leavenworth, the vote 

*See Appendix. 



20 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

was close, and there was doubt in the minds of many 
members as to which one was in fact elected. Mr. Pom- 
eroy, however, received the certificate and that settled 
the question. After the election of United States Sen- 
ators, the routine work of the Legislature moved along 
in the even tenor of its way. 

It was my good fortune to be appointed Chairman 
of the Committee on Counties and County Lines. Col- 
onel Colton, of Lykins County, introduced, and had 
referred to my committee, a Bill changing the name of 
that county to Miami. After due consideration the Bill 
was reported and passed. 

FORT SUMTER FIRED UPON PRESIDENT 's CALL FOR TROOPS 

I was also a member of the Military Committee, 
which perhaps inspired me to higher military duties. 
It was then apparent that war was inevitable, and our 
Military Committee proceeded at once to prepare and 
introduce in the House a Bill providing for the organ- 
ization of the State Militia. I had also other measures 
pending before the Legislature, when the stage from 
Leavenworth brought word that Fort Sumter had been 
fired upon. This startling news set everybody on fire, 
and thereafter the Legislature had no charms for me. 

On April 15, 1861, President Lincoln issued his call 
for 75,000 volunteers, allotting to Kansas two regi- 
ments of infantry. Soon thereafter the Governor sent 
for Colonel E. B. Mitchell and myself and tendered us 
each a commission to recruit a company for the Second 
Eegiment. To Mitchell was given Linn County in 
which to raise his company ; and I had assigned to me 
Anderson and Franklin Counties. It is needless to say 
that we readily accepted. 



CHAPTER III 

OFF TO THE WAR 

ORGANIZATION OF THE SECOND KANSAS INFANTRY — A TRIP 

TO TOPEKA BEHIND A WILD TEAM MUSTERED INTO 

U. S. SERVICE, JUNE 22, 1861 EXPEDITION TO AND 

SKIRMISH AT FORSYTH BATTLE OF DUG SPRINGS 

AUGUST 2, 1861 BATTLE OF WILSON 's CREEK AUGUST 

10, 1861 BATTLE OP SHELBINA REGIMENT RETURNS 

TO FORT LEAVENWORTH AND IS MUSTERED OUT OCTOBER 
31, 1861. 

ON the tenth of May the House granted me leave of 
absence and I humediately returned to Garnett to 
commence recruiting. On arriving there, I announced 
a public meeting in Garnett for the following Saturday, 
and then proceeded to Ohio City and appointed a re- 
cruiting officer for Franklin County. At the meeting 
SO announced, many of the young men from Anderson 
County, and quite a number from Franklin, enlisted. 
Speedily a full company of volunteer infantry was or- 
ganized by the election of officers as follows : 

Samuel J. Crawford . . . Captain 

John G. Lindsay .... First Lieutenant 

A. R. Morton Second Lieutenant 

Samuel K. Cross .... Ensign 

On May 14 the company, amid cheers and tears, 
started from Garnett on its perilous journey. Our first 
camp was at Ohio City, where the Franklin County boys 
swung into line, and the companj^ received fatherly ad- 
vice and words of encouragement from the Hon. P. P. 
Elder, who at the time was a member of the State Sen- 

21 



22 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



ate. Not only did we receive good advice and words of 
cheer from liim, but he tendered me the loan of the 
sword which his grandfather used in the Revolutionary 
War. In due time it was returned to him untarnished. 
On May 15, by the aid of transportation furnished 
by the good people of Anderson and Franklin Counties, 
the company moved at an early hour ; and on May 17 it 
reached Lawrence and marched down Massachusetts 
Avenue under flying colors to the step of thrilling mu- 
sic — '* The Girl I Left Behind Me " — rendered with 
fife and drum by Henry Neal and Robt. Beck. On ar- 
riving at Lawrence, the officers previously elected were 
commissioned by the Governor, and the company was 
immediately sworn into the service of the State. 

OEGANIZATION OF THE SECOND KANSAS INFANTRY 

In due time nine other companies arrived, and the 
Second Kansas Infantry was organized by the appoint- 
ment of officers as follows : 



Eobt. B. Mitchell 
Charles W. Blair 
William F. Cloud 
Ed. D. Thompson 
S. W. Eldridge 
A. B. Massey . 
E. L. Pattee . 
R. C. Brant . 



Colonel 

Lieutenant-Colonel 

Major 

Adjutant 

Quartermaster 

Surgeon 

Assistant Surgeon 

Chaplain 



The regimental officers, field and staff, having been 
commissioned, the organization of the regiment was 
completed by the lettering and assignment of the sev- 
eral companies to their respective places in the line.* 

A TRIP TO TOPEKA BEHIND A WILD TEAM 

While waiting for orders to go to the front, I visited 
Topeka to see how the Legislature was behaving, and 



*See Appendix for roster of regimental officers. 



OFF TO THE WAR 23 

to help the Lawrence boys with their University Bill. 
At that time we had no railroads from Lawrence to 
Topeka; no telegraph nor telephone; no airships nor 
automobiles. So, my friend, C. W. Babcock, who was 
deeply interested in having the State University lo- 
cated at Lawrence, drove out to camp with a span of 
wild fiery horses and invited me to ride to Topeka with 
him. I had not as yet resigned my seat in the Legisla- 
ture, and, of course, had a right to vote. Having some 
other matters pending before the Legislature in which 
I was interested, I accepted his kind offer, and within 
two hours we rode into Topeka. 

Talk about fast driving — our team fairly flew. Mr. 
Babcock held the reins and tried to hold the team but 
finally gave it up and let them go. Fortunately the 
horses kept in the road and after climbing the hills and 
leaping the bad crossings from Lecompton to Tecum- 
seh, they began to slacken their gait, and finally they 
came down to earth and gave Mr. Babcock an oppor- 
tunity to breathe. I was frightened, perhaps as much 
or more than was he, but being a soldier I did not dare 
tell him so. When the danger-line was passed he rolled 
his big black eyes around at me and said, '' What do 
you think of that for a spin I " " Oh, " I said, ' ' that 's 
nothing, when a fellow gets used to it. It just suits me ; 
but I have been asking myself how you were going to 
get back to Lawrence." He replied, '' We '11 go back 
at night when the fool horses can't see anything to 
scare them. ' ' We then drove on to the hotel, and after 
dinner set about to tell the Legislature what to do and 
how to do it. 

In the evening we went to a dance, and being at that 
time single, and consequently in possession of our in- 
alienable rights, we stayed late. It seemed as though 
the more our girls danced, the more they wanted to 
dance. I was anxious to be in camp at Lawrence the 
next morning at daylight and Mr. Babcock had prom- 
ised to have me there. But that did n 't count with our 



24 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

partners in the ballroom. '' On with the dance! " 
seemed to be the order of the night. 

At one o'clock the dance closed; at two A. M. Mr. 
Babcock and I started from Topeka with our wild team 
for Lawrence. The atmosphere was lovely and the 
stars shone bright. The horses went at a steady gait of 
about ten miles per hour until within five miles of Law- 
rence, when, passing a farm-house they *' saw some- 
thing," took fright, and dashed away at full speed over 
the prairie, heading straight toward a precipice and a 
deep canyon. Not caring to go over such a precipice 
at that hour in the morning, I leaped out of the car- 
riage and that caused the horses to circle at the very 
verge and turn suddenly back toward the road. In 
turning, they upset the carriage and ran until it was 
scattered in fragments over the prairie and themselves 
were badly crippled. 

We were both slightly disfigured, considerably 
frightened, but not seriously hurt. When the excite- 
ment had subsided, Mr. Babcock looked over toward 
Mount Oread and said, " It seems as though these Ara- 
bian steppers were trying to make us ded-i-cate the 
State University before it is located." After arrang- 
ing with a young man to bring the horses and wreck- 
age to town, we rode in with a farmer and told Mr. Nor- 
ton, the owner of the team, that we should not want it 
again that day. 

For a month or so the companies were kept busy 
drilling and studying '' The Art of War in Europe." 
On June 19 the regiment drew arms from the State, 
and on the morning of the twentieth they started on the 
double-quick for Kansas City. We crossed the Kansas 
River at Lawrence, and marched to Wyandotte, about 
forty-five miles, the first day. The cause of the sudden- 
ness of this hasty movement was a skirmish between 
a company of regular troops and a bunch of Rebel 
recruits near Independence, Missouri. 



OFF TO THE WAR 25 

MUSTERED INTO U. S. SERVICE, JUNE 22, 1861 

On the twenty-second day of June we moved over to 
Kansas City, and were mustered into the United States 
service for three years, or during the war. On June 
30, the regiment was attached to the command of Major 
Sturgis and ordered to join General Lyon on the march 
from Boonville to Springfield, Missouri. On July 1, 
Sturgis moved with his command from Kansas City 
and on July 7, joined General Lyon at the crossing of 
the Osage, eight miles west of Osceola. From there 
General Lyon moved with his command to Grand 
Prairie, where he was joined b)^ Colonel Sigel on his 
retreat from Carthage; and then with his combined 
force — about six thousand effective troops — General 
Lyon moved on to Springfield. 

EXPEDITION TO AND SKIRMISH AT FORSYTH 

On July 20, General Lyon ordered General Sweeney 
on an expedition over the Boston Mountains to For- 
syth, about fifty miles south of Springfield, with the 
First Iowa and Second Kansas Infantry; a section of 
Totten's battery and a battalion of the Fourth 
Cavalry. 

Forsyth was a small town on the north bank of 
White Eiver in Southern Missouri, where a large 
amount of supplies for the Confederate troops had 
been gathered and stored. Captain Stanley, with one 
company of the Second Kansas and two companies 
of the Fourth Cavalry, led the advance. When within 
striking distance he made a dash forward, captured the 
town, all the Rebel stores, and a number of prisoners, 
and drove a Rebel regiment into the hills and across 
the river. 

The last four miles of the march were made by the 
infantry and artillery at a double-quick ; but when we 
arrived, Stanley had finished the work and was holding 
the town, the supplies, and the captured prisoners. 
Nevertheless the Second Kansas advanced on the town 



26 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

in line of battle and had the satisfaction of sending a 
few volleys into the ranks of the water-soaked regi- 
ment that had rallied on the south bank of the river. 
This was our first experience on the battlefield, and it 
seemed great sport, while we were beyond the range 
of the enemy's guns. The purpose of the expedition 
being accomplished, we returned to Springfield, and 
found General Lyon and all in camp actively preparing 
for a great battle. 

On the first of Augnist we were again ordered to be 
ready to march with forty rounds of ammunition in our 
cartridge boxes. That looked like business, and every 
man was instructed to prepare himself accordingly. 
General Lyon's scouts and outposts had kept him well 
informed as to the movements of the enemy. It was 
known that the Confederate generals — McCulloch and 
Price — were concentrating their forces at Cassville 
and in that vicinity, with the intention of attacking 
General Lyon at the earliest possible moment. 

It was also known that the combined forces of Mc- 
Culloch and Price outnumbered Lyon 's army more than 
two to one ; and yet he was left in that remote part of 
the State, one hundred and twenty miles from the rail- 
road, with his men on half-rations, and the terms of 
enlistment of many of the troops rapidly expiring. He 
was greatly worried and vexed by reason of such treat- 
ment from department headquarters. He had been 
promised reinforcements and supplies sufficient to en- 
able him to hold Southwest Missouri and protect the 
lives and property of the Union people of that part of 
the State. But when the enemy was advancing against 
him in overwhelming numbers, and when it was too 
late to retreat, he was told that he must take care of 
himself. 

General Lyon was a true soldier and ready to do or 
die for his country and the loyal people of Missouri. 
He called a Council of War, and notified his officers 
of the deplorable situation and of his determination to 



OFF TO THE WAR 27 

fight. They all agreed with him, and the question was 
settled. 

BATTLE OF DUG SPRINGS, AUGUST 2, 1861 

The enemy having advanced on the Cassville Road 
to within twenty-five miles of Springfield, General 
Lyon, thinking it was only General McCuUoch's divi- 
sion, moved with his available force on August 1, in- 
tending to strike McCulloch first and Price afterwards. 
That night he camped at Wilson's Creek twelve miles 
from Springfield. The next morning, August 2, he ad- 
vanced about six miles, when he struck General Rains's 
brigade of Price's division, which showed that Price 
and McCulloch had united their forces. After a sharp 
engagement of three hours, in which artillery was 
freely used, the enemy was routed and driven back on 
McCulloch 's division encamped on Crane Creek, ten 
miles distant. The day was intensely hot and the 
thirst of the men was unendurable. 

The Second Kansas Infantry was advancing in line 
of battle through the brush on the right of the road, 
while Captain Fred. Steele with a battalion of Regu- 
lar infantry was on the left, with Captain Stanley's 
cavalry on his left, and Totten's battery on and near 
the road in the centre. The enemy in Steele's front 
charged his line, which was falling back slowly, when 
Captain Stanley made a sabre charge and drove the 
enemy in confusion from the field. The Second Kansas, 
famishing for water and mad at the sight of Steele's 
battalion falling back, followed Stanley without orders 
until we reached Dug Springs, where the men quenched 
their thirst to the heart's content. The Second Kan- 
sas was far in advance of the rest of the infantry and 
artillery, but we held our position until Stanley re- 
turned from the pursuit of the enemy and then went 
into camp for the night, three miles in advance of the 
main command. 

The next morning General Lyon, with the remainder 



28 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

of his troops, came forward to the springs and camped 
in the valley near-by until the morning of the fourth, 
when he countermarched with his command and re- 
turned to Springfield, arriving there in the afternoon 
of the fifth. 

After the affair at Dug Springs, General McCulloch 
assumed command of all the Confederate forces in 
Southwest Missouri, and moved forward to Wilson's 
Creek. 

General Lyon, in his report to department head- 
quarters of August 4, 1861, stated his forces, and con- 
cluded as follows : 

FIEST BRIGADE, MAJOR STURGIS 

Four companies cavalry .... 250 
Four companies First U. S. Infantry (Plum- 

mer's) 350 

Two companies Second Missouri Volunteers . 200 
One company artillery (Captain Totten's 

battery) 84 



884 



SECOND BRIGADE, SIGEL'S 

Third Missouri Volunteers . . . 700 

Fifth Missouri Volunteers .... 600 

Second Artillery (battery) .... 120 



1,420 



THIRD BRIGADE, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ANDREWS 

First Missouri Volunteers .... 900 

Four companies infantry .... 300 

One battery artillery 64 



1,264 

FOURTH BRIGADE, DEITZLER^S 

Two Kansas regiments (First and Second) . 1,400 
First Iowa Regiment (Colonel Bates) . 900 



2,300 
Grand Total 5,868 



Off to the war 29 

I have made every exertion to ascertain the enemy's 
forces ; and though this is very difficult, I am satisfied it will 
reach 15,000, and in an attempt to surround and cut me off 
there may be gathered 20,000 ; most of whom will be ill-con- 
ditioned troops, collected from Missouri and Arkansas, with 
such firearms as each man may have, and being mounted, 
have the means of threatening and annoying my command. 
In addition to the above will be, of the enemy's forces, the 
organized forces of McCulloch, of Texas, supposed to be 4,000 
well-armed, and prepared for effective service. 

In fact, I am under the painful necessity of retreating^ 
and can at most only hope to make my retreat good. I am in 
too great haste to explain at length more fully. I have given 
timely notice of my danger, and can only in the worst emer- 
gencies submit to them. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

N. Lyon, 
Brigadier-General Commanding.* 

This shows the deplorable situation in which Gen^ 
e^ral Lyon and his army had been placed by the political 
Major-General and Department Commander, John C. 
Fremont. Again, on the eve of the bloodiest battle of 
the war, General Lyon wrote his last official letter as 
follows : 

Springfield, Mo., August 9, 1861. 
General : 

I have just received your note of the 6th instant by spex 
cial messenger. 

I retired to this place, as I have before informed you, 
reaching here on the 5th. The enemy followed to within IG 
miles of here. He has taken a strong position, and is recruit- 
ing his supplies of horses, mules, and provisions by foraging 
into the surrounding country, his large force of mounted 
men enabling him to do this without much annoyance from 
me. I find my position extremely embarrassing, and am at 
present unable to determine whether I shall be able to main- 
tain my ground or be forced to retire. I can resist any 
attack from the front, but if the enemy move to surround 
me, I must retire. I shall hold my ground as long as pos- 

*H«bellion Eecords, "Vol. Ill, p. 48. 



30 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

sible, thougli I may, without knowing how far, endanger the 
safety of my entire force, with its valuable material, being 
induced by the important considerations involved to take this 
step. The enemy yesterday made a show of force about five 
miles distant, and has doubtless a full purpose of making an 
attack upon me. 

N. Lyon, 
Brigadier-General, Commanding S. W. Expedition.* 

Maj. Gen. J. C. Fremont, 

Commanding Department of the "West. 

By this report and letter, as will be observed, Gen- 
eral Lyon was determined to place the responsibility 
of any disaster that might befall him and his army, 
where it properly belonged. Having done all he could 
to avert disaster, he turned his face resolutely toward 
the enemy and gave the order, * ' Forward ! ' ' 

BATTLE OF WILSON 's CREEK, AUGUST 10, 1861 

At six o'clock on the evening of August 9, the com- 
mand broke camp at Springfield and marched in two 
columns for Wilson's Creek, where the enemy was en- 
camped. General Lyon commanded the main column, 
composed of the brigades of Sturgis, Andrews, and 
Deitzler, in person, and moved west four miles and 
then southwest, so as to strike the left-centre of the 
enemy's line as camped. 

General Sigel, with his own brigade, moved out on 
a road leading south for a short distance and thence 
southwest, so as to strike the enemy's right-rear. At 
a given signal they were to open the battle on both 
flanks at daylight, or as soon thereafter as they could 
get into position, and then force the fighting. Both 
drove in the Rebel pickets and opened the battle about 
the same time. 

The enemy had stood in line of battle during the 
previous night, ostensibly for the purpose of moving 

*Eebellion Records, Vol. Ill, p. 57. 



OFF TO THE WAR 31 

on Springfield, but in reality because they expected 
to be attacked by General Lyon. General Price, with 
his Missouri forces, was in Lyon's front; early in the 
morning he had broken ranks, and was eating break- 
fast when his pickets were driven in. When the alarm 
was given, his men flew to arms and hastily formed a 
line as best they could. 

General Lyon immediately advanced with Captain 
Plummer's battalion of Regular infantry. Major Oster- 
haus's battalion of Missouri Volunteers, and a section 
of Totten's battery, and opened the battle. The Rebel 
line fell back slowly through a corn-field and over a 
rail fence, where a stand was made until reinforce- 
ments arrived. General Lyon then sent Lieutenant- 
Colonel Andrews with the First Missouri Volunteers 
to the support of Plummer. DuBois's battery and the 
First Kansas were speedily formed on the brow of the 
hill to the right of Osterhaus 's battalion, with the First 
Iowa on the right of the First Kansas ; a part of Tot- 
ten's battery, the Second Kansas Infantry, and a bat- 
talion of Regular troops were stationed on an eleva- 
tion in the right-rear as a reserve. This, as I recollect, 
was the formation of General Lyon's first line of battle. 
General McCulloch, with the Texas and Arkansas 
troops, was camped on the right of the Rebel line a 
mile or so down the creek from Price. Sigel took Mc- 
Culloch completely by surprise, and struck his camp 
about the same time Lyon opened on Price. At first 
McCulloch 's troops were panic-stricken, and fled in 
confusion before Sigel 's line ; but the panic lasted only 
a short time. Sigel's men, thinking they had gained 
the victory, stopped, broke ranks, and commenced pil- 
laging the enemy's tents. That gave McCulloch 's reg- 
iments, farther back, time to form and stop the stam- 
pede. As soon as that was done McCulloch moved 
back and swept Sigel and his whole brigade from the 
field, except five pieces of artillery which were aban- 
doned, and three hundred men whom he captured. 



32 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

After this disgraceful, inexcusable blunder, those 
of Sigel's men that escaped took to the woods, and 
Sigel and one of his Colonels were back in Springfield 
before ten o'clock in the morning. As soon as Sigel 
and his troops left the field, McCulloch moved with his 
whole force to assist Price, whose line was hard pressed 
from right to left. He reached Price about nine o 'clock 
and formed on his left, which prolonged their line of 
battle beyond Lyon's right. 

To meet McCulloch 's troops fresh from their sport 
with Sigel, General Lyon ordered into action his entire 
reserve. The First Missouri was brought over from 
the left and stationed on the right of the First Iowa. 
Totten's battery with a battalion of Regular infantry 
was stationed by General Lyon and Colonel Mitchell 
on the extreme right of the new line as formed. 

Previous to this. General Lyon had been twice 
slightly wounded and his horse shot from under him, 
but he immediately remounted and was himself again. 
When the Second was moving by the flank to its new 
position on the right. General Lyon passed within ten 
paces of where I was marching at the head of my com- 
pany, and joined Colonel Mitchell at the head of the 
regiment. They two were leading straight toward a 
thicket of underbrush and scattering oak trees, when 
a volley was fired from the thicket; Lyon was killed, 
and Mitchell wounded. 

The same volley struck Captain Tholen's company 
on the flank and threw it into confusion. The next two 
companies (Russell's and Mitchell's) also swayed back- 
ward for a short distance. My company came next; 
and I, being farther from the concealed enemy and hav- 
ing more time to steadj^ the men, wheeled the company 
into line facing the ambuscade and sent a volley into 
the bushes where the enemy was concealed. Captain 
Mitchell immediately moved up and formed on my 
right, with Captain Russell on his right, and then our 
three companies speedily drove the enemy out of the 



OFF TO THE WAR 33 

bushes. We fired over Lyon's body, and three or four 
of Captain Tholen 's men, as they lay wounded. 

As soon as the enemy was driven out of the brush 
we wheeled our companies into line with the regiment, 
to face a brigade of McCulloch's troops advancing up- 
grade in our front. The Rebels having been driven out 
of the timber and underbrush, and our three companies 
having wheeled back into line with the regiment, Lieu- 
tenant Gustavus Schreyer, of Tholen 's company, took 
a detachment of his men and removed General Lyon's 
body and all the wounded to the rear. Then Schreyer 
was stationed with a part of Tholen 's company at the 
edge of the timber, near where Lyon fell, to protect 
the right flank of the Second Kansas as the regiment 
stood. 

Within a few minutes after these preliminary ar- 
rangements on the extreme right of the Federal line, 
McCulloch's forces came within range of our guns, 
and a fight to the finish began. It was then about half- 
past nine o'clock in the morning, and for two hours 
or more the battle raged with terrific fury. In front 
of the Second Kansas, and the same all along our entire 
new line, the enemy advanced to within two hundred 
yards, when the order to fire was given, followed im- 
mediately by the usual order to load and fire at will. 
One section of Totten's battery was stationed on an 
elevation to the right-rear of the Second Kansas and 
the other two sections along the line farther to the 
left, and our whole line, with Totten's battery, opened 
fire on the advancing Rebel line about the same time. 

I do not know about the line in front of the regi- 
ments and artillery on our left, but in front of the 
Second Kansas and the section of Totten's battery on 
our right, the Rebel line continued to advance under 
a galling fire of musketry and canister to within about 
one hundred steps, when they came to a stand-still. 
Then for about three-quarters of an hour it was give 
and take. 



34 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

" Lay onMcDuff! 
And damned be him that first cries, ' Hold, enough! ' " 

The sound of musketry and the roar of the cannon, 
mingling and commingling in the air, was music to our 
ears. But the sharp reports and shrieks from the 
enemy's guns, as their shells went crashing through 
the tree tops and often bursting over our heads, were 
the reverse of music; at least they had no charms 
for the Second Kansas. Nevertheless we were there 
to do our duty, and we did it without flinching. 

Both lines were comparatively fresh and full of 
fight. It was then simply a question of real courage, 
accurate shooting, and powers of endurance. The 
Second Kansas stood like a wall of adamant and hurled 
its missiles of death with defiance into the ranks of 
the enemy. Officers and soldiers alike seemed to real- 
ize that it was then or never. Steadily the battle went 
on, and surely the lines were melting away. 

In the heat of this engagement a Rebel officer, with 
a detachment of cavalry, dashed against our right 
flank but received a deadly volley from Lieutenant 
Schreyer's company which scattered them in all direc- 
tions through the timber in their rear. In the confu- 
sion that followed, the commanding officer lost con- 
trol of himself, or his horse, and was carried at full 
speed to the rear of Captain Russell's company, where 
both he and his horse were killed, as he whirled to make 
his escape. 

Soon after this episode the Rebel line in our front 
began to waver, and that was followed by a precipitate 
retreat beyond the range of our guns. The Federal 
line stood firm and awaited developments. It was ap- 
parent that tbe enemy was bringing up his reserves 
and re-forming for another engagement. While wait- 
ing, we removed our dead and wounded to the rear and 
a new supply of ammunition was distributed. 

Meantime the left of our line was strengthened by 



OFF TO THE WAR 35 

the addition of infantry that had not participated in 
the previous engagement, and by changing the position 
of DuBois's battery. Another section of Totten's bat- 
tery was also transferred from the left to the right. 
Major Sturgis was then supposed to be in command, 
but Gordon Granger was in the saddle and seemed to 
me to be the leading spirit. Our line as rearranged 
was in perfect order to meet whatever might be 
brought against it. We had not long to wait. 

The Rebel line was soon seen advancing over tlie 
same ground, and apparently in the same order in 
which it had previously advanced. Our line impa- 
tiently awaited their coming. It required considerable 
attention on the part of line officers in the Second to 
keep the men from firing before the Rebels were within 
suitable range. Steadily the Rebel line advanced, and 
as soon as it reached the open ground in front, Totten's 
battery spoke with no uncertain sound, and DuBois's 
immediately followed. About the same time a Rebel 
battery away in the rear opened on the Second Kansas 
with shell which tore through the tops of the scrub 
oak-trees over our heads. 

Finally the Rebel line came within range of our 
rifles and muskets, when a battle to the finish, the 
bloodiest engagement of the day, began. As before, 
they advanced to within close range, and then both lines 
settled down to their bloody work. It was a square 
open field fight, with no place for shirks or cowards. 
For an hour it was crash, crash, crash, with men falling 
dead and wounded all along the line. Finally, as in the 
previous engagement, the Rebel line broke and fled in 
confusion to the rear, leaving their dead and wounded 
on the field. 

It was now about half-past eleven o 'clock ; and after 
remaining in line for half an hour or more, when there 
was not a Rebel to be seen or heard anywhere on the 
battlefield, except their wounded, the Second re- 
ceived orders to fall back to where Major Sturgis was 



36 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

concentrating the troops preparatory to a retreat 
back to Springfield. We had fired the last shot, broken 
the enemy's lines, driven him from the field in 
disorder, and remained in line at the front for half 
an hour, and we could not see the necessity for re- 
treating. 

Had Major Sturgis advanced his line, which stood 
firm when the Rebels broke and fled, and turned his 
cavalry loose on their rear, our victorj'- would have 
been complete. When we left the field, the road from 
there to Crane Creek, twenty miles distant, was lined 
with fleeing Rebels and it was their rear guard that 
we last fought and defeated. But when McCulloch 
learned that Sturgis was retreating, he naturally re- 
turned with his rear guard and claimed the credit of 
victory. By nine o'clock in the evening of the day of 
the battle, his retreating troops began to pass Cass- 
ville, Missouri, forty miles south of the battlefield, and 
the stream of '' mad warriors " did not cease until 
after daylight the next morning — if the good people 
of Cassville tell the truth. 

When ordered to countermarch and abandon a 
dearly won field, the Federal troops strung out and 
sauntered along the road, on back to Springfield, some 
swearing and some repeating the old adage, 

" He who fights and runs away 
May live to fight another day." 

Our regiments and batteries arrived at Springfield all 
along from four to six o 'clock in the evening, and were 
ordered to be ready to continue the retreat at two 
'clock the next morning. 

When General Lyon's gallant and victorious army 
reached Springfield, we found Sigel ready to assume 
command and conduct a masterly retreat to Rolla, Mis- 
souri. For full particulars of this retreat I must refer 
the reader to the report of Major J. M. Schofield, who 



OFF TO THE WAR 37 

was Acting Adjutant-General when General Lyon fell.* 
But to those who do not care to make this reference it 
is sufficient, perhaps, to say that the skill and general- 
ship displayed by Sigel were in keeping with his mas- 
terly strokes of death and desolation inflicted on the 
enemy at Wilson's Creek. 

On August 18 the command reached Rolla, and on 
the nineteenth I conveyed the wounded of the Second 
Kansas by rail to the hospital in St. Louis. On the 
twentieth I returned to Rolla, and in the absence of the 
field officers, assumed command of the regiment. On 
the twenty-fifth I moved to St. Louis and encamped in 
one of the city parks. 

On the first of September Colonel Blair resumed 
command of the regiment and moved by boat to Han- 
nibal, Missouri, and thence by rail to Shelbina. On 
the third the regiment accompanied the Third Iowa In- 
fantry on a raid to Paris, Missouri, and on the fourth 
fought what some call the battle of Shelbina. 

BATTLE OF SHELBINA 

The command, consisting of the Second Kansas In- 
fantry — about four hundred effective men — com- 
manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Blair, and the Third 
Iowa Infantrj^ under the command of Colonel Will- 
iams, having returned from Paris and encamped in the 
village of Shelbina, was attacked early on the morning 
of the fourth by General Green with apparently about 
fifteen hundred mounted men and two pieces of artil- 
lerj^ Blair and Williams had neither cavalry nor artil- 
lery and consequently labored under a disadvantage. 

Green planted his artillery a half-mile distant and 
commenced shelling our line and the village. His cav- 
alry was formed about the same distance from our line, 
so it was impossible for us to reach him. He first 
opened with his artillery from the edge of a body of 

*See Eebellion Eecords, Vol. Ill, p. 60. 



38 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

timber to the southeast, when Major Cloud started with 
the Second on the double-quick to try to capture the 
guns. Before he had covered half the distance, Green 
limbered up and in a few minutes opened fire from the 
southwest ; whereupon I was sent with three companies 
over an open field to try to reach him in that direction. 

At first he turned his guns on my battalion but his 
shells went wild and no one was hurt. I moved on, 
until within a quarter of a mile of his cavalry line and 
guns ; but both quickly disappeared and in a very short 
time bobbed up on another part of the field. Thus he 
played hide-and-seek for about eight hours, shelling 
the camp and village between driiiks. Never once did 
he permit our infantry to get within rifle shot of his 
guns or mounted troops. 

One of his shells by accident exploded near our line 
and wounded Captain McClure in the foot, which was 
doubtless the sum total of casualties on both sides. 
During this sanguinary conflict, Southern chivalry was 
stretched to the limit ; and to have prolonged the agony 
would have been cruelty to Green's animals and 
braves, who had been in the saddle for eight hours 
without food or water. 

So, viewing the situation from the standpoint of 
the humanitarian. Colonels Williams and Blair, when 
the four o'clock train came along, put their troops and 
baggage aboard, and rode over to Hudson. They found 
the commanding general furiously out of humor be- 
cause the Iowa and Kansas boys, on foot, could not 
catch Green's command on horseback. 

On September 6 the regiment took passage for St. 
Joseph, and on the seventh arrived in Leavenworth, 
somewhat disfigured but still in the ring. On the 
twenty-first of September the regiment was ordered 
by General Fremont to reinforce Colonel Mulligan at 
Lexington, and immediately took passage on the 
steamer West Wind for the scene of action, but arrived 
too late to be of assistance. 



OFF TO THE WAR 39 

General Price had surrounded Lexington with six- 
teen thousand men, so it was impossible to reach Mul- 
ligan. He surrendered before our boat reached Wyan- 
dotte. Mulligan should have been reinforced by Gen- 
erals Pope, Sturgis, Jeff. C. Davis, and Jas. H. Lane, 
all of whom were within supporting distance before 
General Price laid siege to Lexington. 

EEGIMENT RETURNS TO FORT LEAVENWORTH AND IS MUS- 
TERED OUT, OCTOBER 31, 1861 

The Second Kansas remained at Wyandotte until 
it was known that Price was not going to attack Kan- 
sas City, and then returned to Fort Leavenworth to be 
reorganized as a cavalry regiment. 

On October 31, 1861, all the regiment was mustered 
out, except Major W. F. Cloud and myself, who were 
retained in the service by an order from the Secretary 
of War for the purpose of organizing the Second Kan- 
sas Cavalry. 

From the fourteenth day of May to the thirty-first 
day of October, 1861, the Second Kansas Infantry was 
in the field. We marched through Missouri, partici- 
pated in four battles, and made a record of which every 
officer and soldier in the regiment has a right to feel 
proud. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY 

TREACHERY OF U. S. OFFICERS IN TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO — 
GENERAL SIBLEY 's RETREAT AND REMARKABLE REPORT 

EXPEDITION TO NEW MEXICO PURSUIT OF NAVAJO 

INDIANS RETURN TO FORT LARNED INDIAN COUNCIL. 

DURING the Fall and Winter of 1861-62 Major 
Cloud and I set about to recruit and organize the 
Second Kansas Cavalry, as authorized and directed by 
the War Department. On March 27, 1862, the organ- 
ization was completed by the assignment of companies 
and parts of companies, recruited for other regiments, 
to the Second. When it was first organized, Robt. B. 
Mitchell was appointed Colonel, but was soon there- 
after promoted to the rank of a brigadier-general.* 
The Second Kansas Cavalry was organized with 
about seven hundred enlisted men, as brave, daring, 
gallant, and true as ever wore spurs. On April 20 the 
regiment broke camp near Kansas City and moved en 
route for Fort Riley, halting at Lawrence and Topeka 
a few days for dress parade and display, and finally 
arrived at its destination on the fourth of May. About 
the same time a number of other regiments arrived at 
Fort Riley and reported to General Mitchell, who had 
been ordered to New Mexico to look after the Confed- 
erates operating in that Territory. 

TREACHERY OF U. S. OFFICERS IN TEXAS AND NEW MEXICO 

Wlien the Civil War broke out, a large number of 
the officers of the U. S. Army and Navy, being from the 
Southern States, resigned to enter the Confederate 

*See Appendix for roster of regimental officers. 

40 



SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY 41 

service. Others, not satisfied to resign like gentlemen 
and go their way, held on to their commissions, while 
their uniforms were reeking with treason, for the pur- 
pose of betraying loyal soldiers into the hands of the 
enemy and robbing the Government of property and 
munitions of war which had been entrusted to their 
care. To this latter class belonged Major H. H. Sibley, 
of the First Dragoons, and Major Isaac Lynde of the 
Seventh Infantry. At the beginning of the war both 
of these traitors held important commands in New 
Mexico and Arizona. 

Lynde, before he was dismissed from the service by 
direction of President Lincoln, on November 25, 1861, 
succeeded in turning over to an inferior force of Texas 
Militia, Forts Fillmore and Craig, a vast amount of 
Government stores ; arms, ammunition, artillery, trans- 
portation, mules, cavalry horses, and five hundred 
soldiers as prisoners. 

Major Sibley, after doing all he could to demoralize 
the army and injure the Government that had fed, 
clothed, and educated him, finally resigned, went South, 
and was appointed a Confederate brigadier-general. 
On June 12 he wrote Colonel Loriug from El Paso, 
telling him that he had resigned and was going to San 
Antonio to raise a brigade and then return to execute 
movements " from this direction, which I am not at 
liberty to disclose." In his letter to Loring, his deep 
regret was that he had not marched his whole com- 
mand of U. S. troops to San Antonio, because as he 
says, ** I am satisfied now of the disaffection of the 
rank and file in New Mexico." 

If the rank and file of the U. S. troops in New Mex- 
ico were disaffected — in other words, disloyal — why 
did he leave them and ride six hundred miles by stage 
to San Antonio to raise a brigade of Texas troops to 
bring back, and then move in a direction which he was 
" not at liberty to disclose "? The truth is, the troops 
in New Mexico were loyal to a man; and aho the 



42 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

officers, except those of higher rank and a few others 
from the South who had been promised promotion in 
the Rebel army. 

So Major Sibley went alone in the stage to San 
Antonio and thence to Richmond to get his promised 
promotion. For his treason and the dirty work he had 
done for the Confederacy, he was promptly appointed 
a brigadier-general by Jefferson Davis and sent back 
to New Mexico to capture the remainder of the forts, 
troops, and Government property therein. 

The Governor of Texas furnished him with three 
small regiments of green troops for his perilous ex- 
pedition. They were immediately started on their 
broncos for El Paso, but how many arrived at their 
destination does not appear in the Rebellion Records. 
The major, now a general of note, returned to El Paso 
by stage. He was busy planning his expedition up the 
Rio Grande to Santa Fe and Fort Union while his 
troops were en route. Finally they arrived; and after 
considerable delay, and much quarrelling, bickering, 
and fault-finding among themselves, the motley crowd 
moved. The rabble were armed with horse pistols, 
flint-lock muskets, shotguns, squirrel rifles, and bowie- 
knives. By the time they reached Albuquerque about 
half the men had lost their broncos, and the other half 
were barefooted. They looted all the stores and private 
residences, in villages and the country on both sides 
of the river, from El Paso to Albuquerque. They sub- 
sisted almost entirely, while in New Mexico, on jack 
rabbits and stolen Mexican sheep. 

GENEEAL SIBLEY 's RETREAT AND REMARKABLE REPORT 

From Albuquerque General Sibley started his 
troops out under the command of one of his colonels to 
capture Fort Union, but when they reached Apache 
Canyon in the Glorietta Mountains, some forty miles 
from Albuquerque, they were met by Colonel Slough 
with Regular and Colorado troops and driven back 



SECOND KANSAS CAVALRt • 43 

to Santa Fe, after losing their entire baggage-train, 
ammunition, and supplies. These were captured in a 
skirmish and burned by Major Chivington and his 
command of Eegulars and Colorado Volunteers. From 
Santa Fe they retreated back to Albuquerque, where 
General Sibley awaited their coming. 

Meantime General Canby, commanding the Union 
forces in New Mexico, was advancing on Albuquerque 
with his troops. General Sibley and his Texas outfit 
abandoned the remainder of their transportation, 
crossed the Eio Grande by the light of tallow candles 
and fled to the mountains west of the river. In his 
subsequent report to the Adjutant General at Rich- 
mond, he said he knew it would be impossible for Gen- 
eral Canby to find him there. After wandering 
through the dark canyons for ten days, with his men 
almost naked and on the verge of starvation. General 
Sibley finally struck a trail and eventually turned up 
serenely at Fort Bliss, Texas. 

His report of the expedition, as published in the 
Rebellion Records, is a wonder to behold. His match- 
less veterans, because of their superior courage and 
skill, swept everything before them and left nary Fed- 
eral to tell the tale. His valiant army was literally 
smothered with supplies, — arms, ammunition, provi- 
sions, and clothing, — which fell into their hands as if 
by magic. His little army — parts of three Texas reg- 
iments — according to Sibley's report, would swallow 
up whole brigades of our troops without salt or 
vinegar. 

When he began writing his report he was evidently 
overjoyed by reason of his miraculous escape from the 
mountains. But before he got through, the disasters 
of his campaign and the clamor of his suffering sol- 
diers loomed up before him and brought out some 
wholesome truths. He admits the failure of his expedi- 
tion and the loss of all his transportation, mules, and 
wagons, ammunition, baggage, blankets, and supplies. 



44' KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

He admits having been checked in his advance and 
driven into the mountains, where he and his troops 
could not be found. 

He says he was furnished only one thousand dol- 
lars to meet the expenses of the expedition ; and again 
he says the Territory of New Mexico is not worth a 
quarter of the blood and treasure expended in its con- 
quest. He does not admit having lost any men, and 
if he expended only one thousand dollars of Confed- 
erate money, his estimate of the value of New Mexico 
to the Confederacy was certainly modest; especially 
since, as he says, he had " determined, as good policy, 
to encourage private enterprise against the Navajo 
and Apache Indians by legalizing the enslaving of 
them. ' ' 

In concluding this remarkable report, General Sib- 
ley says: 

As for the results of the campaign, I have only to say 
that we have beaten the enemy in every encounter and 
against large odds; that from being the worst armed, my 
forces are now the best armed in the country. We reached 
this point last Winter in rags and blankets. The army 
is now well clad and well supplied in other respects. The 
entire campaign has been prosecuted without a dollar in the 
quartermaster's department, Captain Harrison not having 
yet reached this place. But, sir, I cannot speak encour- 
agingly for the future, my troops having manifested a 
dogged, irreconcilable detestation of the counfry and the 
people. They have endured much, suffered much, and cheer- 
fully; but the prevailing discontent, backed up by the dis- 
tinguished valor displayed on every field, entitles them to 
marked consideration and indulgence. 

These considerations, in connection with the scant sup- 
ply of provisions and the disposition of our own citizens in 
this section to depreciate our currency, may determine me, 
Mathout waiting for instruction, to move by slow marches 
down the country, both for the purpose of remounting and 
recruiting our thinned ranks. 

If that rabble of ragged, uncivilized Texas militia 



SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY 45 

had beaten our troops in every encounter and were well 
armed and supplied in every respect, why did they 
permit our folks to capture their transportation, de- 
stroy their ammunition, and drive them into the moun- 
tains, where Sibley says, *' the route was a difficult and 
most hazardous one, both in respect to its practicabil- 
ity and supply of water. Descents into and ascents out 
of the deepest canyons, which a single horseman would 
have sought for miles to avoid, were undertaken and 
accomplished." Then why all this hazardous under- 
taking, if they had ^' beaten the enemy in every en- 
counter and against large odds " ? 

The truth is they were drubbed to a frazzle; and 
when they returned to Fort Bliss, they were in a state 
of mutiny and determined to go home. They were not 
only clamoring to go home, but they did go, and that 
was the last seen or heard of General Sibley and his 
invincible army during the Civil War. 

Sibley and his invaders having been stripped of 
their horses, mules, stolen property, transportation, 
ammunition, bedding, and everything they had stolen or 
brought with them, except the rags they wore and 
the shotguns they carried, and then driven through 
the wilds of the mountains and dark canyons to parts 
unknown. General Mitchell's brigade, which had as- 
sembled at Fort Riley in May en route to New Mexico 
(except the Second Kansas Cavalry), was ordered to 
Tennessee. 

EXPEDITION TO NEW MEXICO 

Waiting at Fort Riley to accompany Mitchell's ex- 
pedition to New Mexico, were a large train of Gov- 
ernment supplies for the troops and forts, and also 
a number of army officers seeking to join their regi- 
ments in that Territory. As an escort for this train 
and the army officers. Major Fisk, with three com- 
panies of the Second — A, D, and C — was detailed. 
With his command the Major moved from Fort Riley 



46 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

on the twenty-second day of May, and arrived at Fort 
Union, New Mexico, June 22, 1862. I accompanied 
the expedition, and when we reached the plains on the 
old Santa Fe trail, we found the wild Indians on the 
war-path. At Fort Larned the Major left one com- 
pany — C, Captain Whittenhall — to help to garrison 
the post. 

When we reached Bent 's Fort in Colorado we found 
the Arkansas River at the crossing barely fordable. 
The snow in the mountains was melting, and the river 
had swollen to a deep, swift current, which must be 
forded then or not for a month, because the river was 
slowly rising. Colonel Howe, of the Third Cavalry, 
was one of the officers travelling with the expedition, 
and having forded the treacherous river at that cross- 
ing many times. Major Fisk permitted him to assume 
command and give directions. 

In crossing, several of the wagons went down to the 
axle in quicksand and it took many mules to pull them 
out; also some of the carriages not only went down 
but turned over in the middle of the stream, making it 
necessary for their occupants to swim for an island 
farther down. Whether Colonel Howe's carriage 
turned over, I do not recollect, but at any rate, by the 
time the train and troops were all safely over, the 
colonel was in a wild rage. After exhausting his vo- 
cabulary, and making himself as ridiculous as when he 
was placed in arrest for cowardice at the battle of Ash 
Hollow, he concluded his remarks by placing Major 
Fisk in arrest and informing me that I was in command. 

The colonel was a noted character in the old army. 
He had been court-martialled under almost every Ar- 
ticle of War, but that made no difference with him. He 
was deathly afraid of volunteers, and on one occasion 
begged me not to allow them to roll his ambulance into 
the river when he was asleep. 

From the Arkansas crossing, the command moved 
by way of Trinidad and across the Raton Mountains 



SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY 47 

to Fort Union. Our line of march from Fort Riley was 
over an untravelled road to the Arkansas River and 
thence along the old Santa Fe Trail over the ground 
where many prosperous towns, cities, fields, and farms 
now stand. The long dreary journey was often en- 
livened by the sight of vast herds of buffalo, deer, and 
antelope, and by prowling wolves, scattered over the 
limitless plains. Occasionally a band of hostile In- 
dians would be seen in the distance, but we were not 
disturbed by them on our outward journey. 

PURSUIT OF NAVAJO INDIANS 

The day we arrived at Fort Union at the end of 
a continuous march of over seven hundred miles, the 
Navajo Indians were at their old game over on the 
Moro River, killing Mexican sheep-herders and driv- 
ing off the flocks. The next morning I took one hun- 
dred men with ten days' rations, and went in pursuit. 
Before I reached the field of action, the nomads had 
finished their work and headed, with their captured 
flocks, for the Moro Mountains. They had a part of a 
day and one night the start of me, and I had tired men 
and horses ; but we pushed on through the foothills as 
rapidly as possible, until we overtook the flocks. On 
our approach they had been abandoned by the Indians, 
who were then fleeing for the canyons in mountains 
piled up on top of mountains. 

But once did we get sight of the noble scoundrels, 
and then they were beyond the range of our guns. We 
followed them for two days through a wild mountain- 
ous region, in which nobody but a fugitive from justice 
or a Navajo sheep-thief would think of living. On the 
twenty-seventh of June we returned to Fort Union and 
commenced recruiting our horses for the return trip 
to Kansas. 

While at Fort Union, a number of officers rode to 
the top of an extinct volcano, which was quite interest- 
ing. In view of the surroundings and the wretched 



48 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

condition of the people, most of the ofl&cers seemed to 
think that the volcano had ceased active operations a 
few centuries too soon. On July 5 we folded our tents 
and started on the return trip to Kansas and the seat 
of war. 

From Fort Union we marched to Trinidad, Colo- 
rado, where we encountered a sand-storm, the like of 
which no one of us had ever before witnessed. Under 
a heavy gale the atmosphere for two hours was dark- 
ened with light fine sand, so dense that the men and an- 
imals breathed with difficulty. After the storm the sun 
came out and we moved on down the Purgator}^ Eiver 
to the Arkansas and thence to Fort Lyon, uninter- 
rupted by the elements, the wild beasts, or roving bands 
of Indians. 

KETURN TO FORT LARNED 

Wliile we rested here, a tornado struck the camp, 
levelled our tents to the ground, and swept the horses 
and mules at full speed for miles over the prairie. 
"When the storm had passed, the horses were all 
brought back and the command moved on down the val- 
ley, — where beautiful cities, fields, and factories now 
stand, — to find Fort Larned threatened by the Chey- 
enne and Arapahoe Indians. They were hungry and 
demanded of the Post-Commandant, sugar, coffee, 
flour, and bacon, not a pound of which did the commis- 
sary have left at the fort. For a week or more about 
three thousand of these savage barbarians had been 
demanding and receiving supplies every day, until the 
troops in the garrison were on short rations, and the 
officers on the verge of a panic. 

When we were within two days' march of Lamed, 
a messenger met us with a hurry-up despatch that the 
fort was surrounded by hostile Indians and liable to 
be attacked at any moment. Naturally we increased 
our speed, and the last twenty-five miles were made 
"without a halt. On arriving at Larned we found the 



SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY 49 

plateau in front of the fort swarming with Indians. 
But a glance at them revealed the fact that the squaws 
and papooses were also there, and that was proof posi- 
tive that they had no thought of attacking the garrison. 

Instead of moving into the fort where there was 
neither grass, rations nor forage, we went into camp in 
a bend of the river. Pawnee Fork, between the fort and 
the Indian camps. When our camp was established, I 
stationed guards at suitable places with instructions 
not to allow an Indian to come within. The tents were 
soon up, the horses picketed out and the men busy pre- 
paring supper. The Indians swarmed around on the 
outside and having been in the habit of entering the 
post at will and demanding food or anything else that 
suited them, they thought they had the same right in 
our camp. 

The sentinels had no instructions to shoot but were 
directed to load their carbines and keep the Indians 
back. They crowded up, some three or four hundred 
of them, closer and closer to the line and finally a bunch 
of twenty-five or thirty bucks broke over and started 
up between the rows of tents, grabbing the provisions 
that our men were cooking. The soldiers flew for their 
guns and I jerked my sabre and ran down to meet the 
Indians. The first one I reached received a broadsider 
across the side of his head and went down ; the second 
likewise, and the third the same, but worse. By that 
time the soldiers were in line with their gims and the 
Indians were leaving camp faster than they came. 
The three or four hundred on the outside, near camp, 
were watching for results, and when the twenty-five 
or thirty braves who made the break went back pell- 
mell with their experience, and three of them with a 
headache, they were blackguarded and ridiculed by 
the Indians until they left camp. 

That night two of my horses strayed across the 
river and the Indians found and promptly took them to 
their camp. The next morning I just as promptly took 



50 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

fifty men, mounted, crossed the river and moved on 
their works. I formed in front of the chief 's tent and 
sent for him. He came out and I told him that two of 
my horses were in his camp and I had come for them. 
He looked around and said something in Indian, when 
two of his warriors started away at a double-quick. 
He then turned to me and said, " Ponies come. Me 
good Injin. " In a few minutes the horses were brought 
up and we took them to camp. 

INDIAN COUNCIL 

At twelve o'clock a powwow or so-called council 
was to be held at the Post, and we, the newcomers, were 
invited. At the appointed time the council assembled, 
and we were all there. Soon the chiefs and warriors 
in full dress came up, grunted, and squatted in a circle 
under the shade of a big elm tree. They looked at the 
newcomers with eyes askant, and began to smoke the 
pipe of peace. They each took two whiffs and passed 
the pipe on around the circle, and then to the Post- 
Commandant, Captain Whittenhall, who had been ex- 
ceedingly generous to them. 

They again looked out from under their shaggy 
brows at the new arrivals, who were sitting apart from 
the circle. The Indians seemed ill at ease, but finally. 
Little Eaven, the head chief of the Arapahoes, rose 
from his awkward posture with the dignity of a Roman 
Senator and, addressing Captain Whittenhall with his 
eyes still on the newcomers, began the same speech he 
had made to the captain each morning for a week. 

He wanted more sugar, more coffee, more bacon, 
more flour. When he had finished his harangue and 
received an expression of approval from the other 
chiefs and warriors, he subsided, and Tall Bull, a war- 
chief of the Cheyennes, arose and with similar gestures 
and emotions made substantially the same demands as 
those made by Little Raven. Other chiefs followed, 
until they had worn the subject threadbare, and then 
they all grunted in unison and paused for a reply. 



SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY 51 

Captain Whittenhall, to whom the Indians ad- 
dressed their remarks, told them in a modest, if not 
timid, sort of way, that he had already issued to them 
all the provisions he had at the Post, and while he 
would be glad to give them what they wanted, he could 
not do so because he had nothing left to give. This 
did not suit them, and they began to murmur among 
themselves and rose to their feet with a defiant air, as 
much as to say, '' We will take what we want." 

A wild Indian in those days had no respect for any- 
thing but force, and our battalion had an abundance of 
that on tap. When the chiefs assumed a threatening 
attitude, the newcomers at once entered the council 
and told them in plain, positive language what to do 
and how to do it. They were informed that buffalo, 
deer and antelope, in abundance, were grazing all over 
the plains from the Arkansas to British America, and 
that they must go, without standing on the order of 
their going, and get what they wanted. That afternoon 
they took down their tepees and the next day not an 
Indian was to be seen in the vicinity of Fort Larned. 

This little episode having passed without the loss 
of a brave on either side, our battalion moved on down 
the old Santa Fe trail to the crossing of the Walnut, 
near where the city of Great Bend now stands. Here 
we stopped two days to muster, under an order from 
the War Department, and also to secure a supply of 
buffalo meat for the command. 

Our stay at this camp was noted for wild rides and 
hairbreadth escapes of officers and men while gunning 
for game. The first to encounter danger was Captain 
Moore, of the Second, who was unhorsed by a buffalo 
cow while he was shooting at her wounded calf. Later 
Lieutenant Cross was pursued by a wounded buffalo 
and narrowly escaped the same fate. Lieutenant John- 
son and Albert Payne were surrounded late in the af- 
ternoon by a large herd and carried northward from 
dark until daylight, when they found themselves thirty 
miles from camp. 



52 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

These were the tKrilling events of our expedition 
to Fort Union and back to the borders of civilization. 
From our camp on the Walnut, which, for half a cen- 
tury was known as the '' Bloody Crossing," we 
marched by way of Council Grove, Fort Riley, Topeka, 
and Lawrence to Fort Scott, Kansas, arriving there on 
the twentieth day of September, 1862 ; having travelled 
over two thousand miles from the day we broke camp 
near Kansas City on the twentieth day of April. 



CHAPTER V 

OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI AND ARKANSAS 

BATTLE OF NEWTONIA, OCTOBER 4, 1862 — NIGHT ENGAGE- 
MENT AT CROSS HOLLOWS, OCTOBER 18, 1862 BATTLE 

OF OLD FORT WAYNE, OCTOBER 22, 1862 CAPTURE OF 

BATTERY ENGAGEMENT AT BOONSBORO AND COVE 

CREEK, NOVEMBER 8, 1862 SKIRMISH WITH BUSH- 
WHACKERS CAVALRY FIGHT AT CARTHAGE, NOVEMBER 

20, 1862. 

AT Fort Scott I was tendered the Lieutenant Col- 
onelcy of the Twelfth Kansas Infantry, but pre- 
ferring the cavalry, I remained in the Second ; and on 
September 30, 1 was assigned to the command of a bat- 
talion of that regiment. At two o 'clock on the morning 
of October 1, I was ordered with my battalion to the 
relief of Colonel Ritchie and Captain Russell of the 
Second, who were surrounded by the Confederate Col- 
onel, Stand Watie, with a large force, on Spring River, 
and had been fighting for three days. At 3 P. M. I 
reached Spring River, sixty miles distant, moved to 
the front, and opened on Stand Watie at close range. 
After I arrived, the battle continued about thirty min- 
utes, when the enemy, consisting of Cherokee Indians 
and Missouri bushwhackers, broke and fled from the 
field in confusion. 

Stand Watie subsequently averred that his men 
were out of ammunition, and perhaps he was right; 
because he and Ritchie had been skirmishing and fight- 
ing for three days, and Ritchie had only a few rounds 
left. After burying the dead and caring for the 
wounded, we joined the regiment, which was &n route 

63 



54 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

to reinforce General Salomon at Sarcoxie, Missouri, 
who was threatened by a superior force at Newtonia. 

BATTLE OF NEWTONIA, OCTOBEB 4, 1862 

On March 6, 7, and 8, the battle of Pea Eidge was 
fought and won by General S. E. Curtis, commanding 
the Union forces. Soon thereafter the bulk of his 
troops was transferred to the east of the Mississippi, 
leaving Generals Schofield, Blunt, and Herron with in- 
experienced troops, to take care of Missouri and the 
country west of the Mississippi. Opposed to them were 
the Confederate generals, Marmaduke, Shelby, Hind- 
man, and others, with troops equally untrained and 
less steady in action. 

Blunt concentrated his division at Fort Scott, which 
consisted of the Second, Sixth, and Ninth Kansas Cav- 
alry; the Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth 
Kansas Infantry; the Third Wisconsin Cavalry, and 
Ninth Wisconsin Infantry; the Eighteenth Iowa In- 
fantry; the First Kansas and Second Indiana bat- 
teries — about six thousand men all told. 

General Blunt moved with his division from Fort 
Scott on the first day of October, 1862, and on the 
fourth at Newtonia, in Southwest Missouri, struck 
Marmaduke and Shelby, who, after an artillery duel of 
an hour, retreated in hot haste southward, with my bat- 
talion of the Second Kansas and a section of Captain 
Eabb's Second Indiana battery hanging heavily on 
their flank and rear. We followed them until dark, 
when we gave up the chase and rejoined the command. 

The next day General Blunt moved forward to 
Keetsville, Missouri, and on the sixteenth the Second 
moved forward and camped on the old battlefield of 
Pea Eidge. The Second, under the command of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Bassett, was ordered forward from Pea 
Eidge to Cross Hollows, where the enemy was en- 
camped and supposed to be entrenched. 



OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI 55 

NIGHT ENGAGEMENT AT CROSS HOLLOWS, OCTOBER 18, 1862 

On the afternoon of the eighteenth, we encountered 
a scouting party of the enemy in the timber, and drove 
them back on their main force at Cross Hollows. Here 
we found the enemy in position ; protected on all sides 
by the natural formation of the hills and hollows. 
Fortunately, we reached his lines and took in the situa- 
tion before dark ; otherwise, we might have been drawn 
into a trap. 

The real battle opened at the entrance to the Hol- 
lows about sunset; after fighting for an hour or so, 
the Second advanced over and down rugged declivities 
into the open smooth ground, and then drove the enemy 
out through the cut roads to the hills on the south 
side. Here the fighting continued until about twelve 
o'clock, when the enemy retreated and left the field in 
our possession. 

Having accomplished the purpose of the raid, we 
rejoined Blunt 's command at Pea Ridge on the even- 
ing of October 20, and after halting for an hour the 
Second was directed to move in advance of the division 
on the road to Bentonville, twenty-five miles distant. 
About sunrise the next morning we went into camp in 
an apple orchard near that town. At 6 P. M. October 
21, we again took the road leading to Ma^^sville, where 
General Cooper with a large force of the enemy, six 
thousand men, was encamped. 

At one o'clock on the morning of October 22, and 
when within eight miles of Maysville, General Blunt 
ordered a halt for an hour to allow the infantry and 
artillery to close up. At 2 A. M. he ordered an ad- 
vance and at the same time ordered that no bugles be 
sounded. When we moved, I took the precaution to 
send the Adjutant back to the rear of the Second to 
see that the companies were all moving. 

On approaching Maysville just before the break of 
day, we saw the enemy 's picket fires burning brightly, 



56 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

which showed that he was in the vicinity. General 
Blunt, being with us at the front, ordered a halt and 
sent a staff officer back to see if the command was 
closed up, and soon the officer returned with the in- 
formation that no troops were present except the Sec- 
ond. Whereupon the brigade commander and field 
officer of the day dashed back at full speed to see what 
had become of the rest of the troops. 

The General thought they had taken the wrong road 
in the darkness of the night; but I suggested to him 
that the regimental commander next in rear of the Sec- 
ond was probably asleep when we moved at two o'clock, 
and that they were still there. This proved to be true. 
Daylight was then approaching, and the enemy's pick- 
ets were less than half a mile distant ; but as yet their 
camp had not been located. We were in suspense, 
standing there with one regiment on the open prairie, 
in full view of the enemy's pickets, with the certainty 
of a large force in our front, and the uncertainty of 
what had become of our army. 

BATTLE OF OLD FOKT WAYNE, OCTOBEB 22, 1862 

For dash, determination, and reckless daring on the 
part of the Second Kansas Cavalry, the battle of Old 
Fort Wayne and its approaches stands without a rival. 
For two nights previous to the morning of the battle, 
the regiment had led the advance and been in the sad- 
dle continuously, without an hour 's sleep. At daylight 
in the morning, when it was discovered that by an in- 
excusable blunder the whole army, except the Second, 
had been left asleep eight miles in the rear. General 
Blunt ordered me to move forward with my battalion 
and drive in the Eebel pickets, saying that he would as- 
certain the position of the enemy and skirmish with 
them until the remainder of his division reached the 
field. 

At the same time he directed Colonel Bassett to 
send two other companies of the Second around to ap- 
proach the village of Maysville in our immediate front, 



OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI 57 

by other roads. I moved forward, scattered the first 
picket and captured the village, with a few stragglers 
from the Rebel camp. In a few minutes General Blunt 
and the remainder of the Second came in, and learning 
that the Rebel camp was four miles to the southwest, he 
ordered the whole regiment to move in that direction. 

On leaving the village my battalion was in the ad- 
vance; and soon General Blunt reached the front and 
said to me, *' Let 's go forward and have some fun 
with their next picket-post." We started first at a 
steady gallop and in a few minutes captured a colored 
fellow who had left the Rebel command that morning 
when all were excited. He told us that General Cooper 
was in command, and that he was forming his line of 
battle at the lower end of the prairie over which we 
were then riding. He also told us that Cooper had a 
** powerful " army, and a mounted picket on the road 
about a mile ahead of us. 

Then Sergeant Cooper, with three men of the Gen- 
eral's bodyguard, having overtaken us, we six men and 
an unarmed " contraband " let our horses move at a 
lively gait. In a few minutes we struck the Rebel 
picket in the road — about fifteen mounted men — 
ready to move. There were seven of us, counting the 
darkey, and the Second by this time was a mile back. 
Nevertheless we were out for a lark, and that was not 
the time nor the place to turn in ; so away we went on 
a hot trail, gaining every minute on the Knights of 
Chivalry. 

Blunt and I were both mounted on fleet, blooded 
horses of the very best, but they could not overtake the 
Arkansas, Texas, and Choctaw bronchos, which seemed 
to have been selected and trained for that special occa- 
sion. But that picket was not so wild and woolly as we 
had reckoned. All of a sudden they whirled around a 
small cluster of trees and bushes out on the prairie, 
and ran into the arms of a grand guard of about sixty 
mounted men in battle array. 

Blunt and I checked our horses as quickly as possi- 



58 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ble, but within close range. Sergeant Cooper's horse 
carried him straight to the enemy, and he surrendered. 
The other three members of the bodyguard and our 
colored prisoner formed in line in our rear, and there 
we stood, six against sixty, with our support, the Sec- 
ond Kansas, more than a mile back. 

They looked at us, and we looked at them, resolved 
in our own minds that if they didn't — we wouldn't. 
They were not quite satisfied to let well-enough alone, 
and their Captain rode out in front of his line and fired 
one shot which went over our heads. I had a navy 
pistol in my hand and instantly replied with two shots 
and probably missed the Captain. Those were the only 
shots fired, and then they wheeled into column and 
rode off the field, to our great satisfaction. We were 
then within a mile of Cooper's line of battle, which 
was hid from view by a skirt of timber. 

In a few minutes the Second came up and I was or- 
dered to take my battalion and skirmish through the 
timber to the left, while General Blunt took Stover's 
howitzers and the remainder of the Second, and moved 
rapidly around the timber and out on to the open field, 
in full view of the enemy 's position. I was immediately 
ordered to the front, and when I arrived, I found the 
other companies of the regiment hotly engaged. Gen- 
eral Cooper had formed his line of battle across the 
field at the south end of the prairie, in front of a heavy- 
body of timber, with both his flanks protected, and his 
artillery on a slight elevation near the centre. 

General Blunt and Colonel Bassett in forming our 
line had stationed Stover's howitzers on the right, pro- 
tected by company A, Lieutenant Johnson ; and on the 
left were companies C, Sergeant Barker; I, Captain 
Ayers; F, Lieutenant Lee; and G, Lieutenant Cos- 
grove, leaving a wide open space between the two 
wings. 

Stover opened the battle with liis guns, and in- 
stantly our right and left were engaged. The Rebel 



OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI 59 

battery — four guns — was turned on Stover, and shell 
and canister were flying in every direction when I 
reached the field. I came up with my battalion at a 
gallop in front of the Rebel centre and directly in 
front of the Rebel battery, and was directed to dis- 
mount, move forward, and occupy the open field be- 
tween our two flanks. While we were dismounting, the 
Rebel battery was turned on my battalion, but it seemed 
to be shooting at the stars. The shells flew high over 
our heads. Under their artillery fire and in the face 
of musketry, I advanced to close range and opened fire. 

My battalion was formed in line from right to left, 
as follows: 

Company H, Lieutenant Ballard commanding. 

Company B, Captain Hopkins commanding. 

Company D, Lieutenant Moore commanding. 

Company K, Captain Russell commanding. 

Company E, Captain Gardner commanding. 

At first we fired volleys, but pretty soon I gave the 
order, *' Fire at will, aim low, and give 'em hell! " 
The Rebel infantry overshot all the time, and their ar- 
tillery for quite a while ; but finally they began to lower 
their cannon, and the shells came closer and closer to 
our heads as they passed over us with that peculiar 
warning well remembered by old soldiers. Finally 
they got the range, and their shells began to crash 
through the line and explode among our horses, held 
by every fourth man in our rear. 

CAPTURE OF BATTERY 

This left us but one of two things to do, — either 
charge and capture the battery, or retreat. Either was 
hazardous. In our front was a line of infantry — three 
to our one — and a battery which would probably use 
canister if we advanced; and in our rear nothing but 
the open prairie upon which to fall back. As yet it was 
not known what had become of our infantry, artillery, 
and the rest of our cavalry. They were not in sight, 



60 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

and I did not know where they were. General Blunt 
was on another part of the field, and I had no time to 
communicate with him. So it was up to me to act, and 
act quickly. 

I had unwavering confidence in every ofiicer and 
soldier in the battalion. Many of them had been with 
me at the battle of Wilson's Creek and other engage- 
ments, so the question of courage was not considered 
for a moment. The question in my mind was, Can we 
afford to take the chances'? While considering it 
briefly, I rode over to where Captain Russell was stand- 
ing in the rear of his company, and said to him, " We 
have got to take that battery, else we are gone to hell. ' ' 
The Captain replied, '' All right; if you say so, we '11 
try it. ' ' That was sufficient, and I immediately ordered 
the bugler to sound the advance. 

The line was just a little bit slow in starting, be- 
cause it looked as though we were going into the jaws 
of death. To add zest to the movement. Lieutenant 
Horace L. Moore stepped to the front of his company 
and, whirling his sword above his head, rang out the 
command, " Forward, D Company! " From that mo- 
ment the line advanced with a quickstep to and over a 
rail fence within fifty yards of the Rebel battery, which 
was belching shell in our faces. Their last shot struck 
the panel on which Captain Gardner and some of his 
men were crossing and sent them unhurt high in the 
air. Over the fence the battalion levelled one volley at 
the battery and the Rebel line of support, and then 
dashed forward, driving everything, except the bat- 
tery, before them. 

Horses enough had been shot to hold the battery 
where it was. The Rebel infantry had fallen back into 
the timber, from which they were making a desperate 
effort to recapture the battery and especially the 
horses attached to one of the caissons, which, when 
abandoned by the artillerymen, had run down into the 
lower comer of the field and become entangled in a 
cluster of small bushes. 



OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI 61 

When we had captured the battery, I ordered Cap- 
tain Hopkins to turn the guns on the enemy and shell 
the woods in which they had taken shelter ; but he could 
not do so for want of caps. I then ordered Lieutenant 
Moore to take his company and move the battery to the 
rear. About the same time I started an orderly to in- 
form General Blunt of what we had accomplished. 
After all this had been done, some one of my battalion 
called attention to our troops that had been left behind 
the night before and were now coming at a run over the 
prairie, as far back as we could see. Captain Rabb of 
the Second Indiana battery was leading the host. 

General Blunt and staff were back on the prairie, 
thinking that my battalion had been captured, because 
it was hid from view. My messenger had not yet 
reached him, and Lieutenant Moore was moving out 
toward him, when Captain Eabb dashed up and called 
his attention to the Rebel batteiy that was moving on 
his works. The General ordered Rabb to go into bat- 
tery and use canister. Just then my messenger ar- 
rived and told the General that we had captured the 
Rebel battery and driven the enemy back into the 
woods. Rabb then came on to the front and fired a few 
shells in the direction of the retreating Rebels. That 
closed the battle of Old Fort Wayne, in so far as the 
fighting was concerned. It was reported that the en- 
emy retreated on a run until they reached Fort Gibson, 
sixty miles away. 

While my battalion was thus engaged, the remain- 
der of the never-flinching Second were equally hard- 
pressed on both flanks. But they stood firm, and 
prevented the enemy from closing around to our rear 
and cutting us off when we advanced on the Rebel cen- 
tre. Not only that, but they captured the horses of a 
dismounted Rebel regiment, and these were subse- 
quently appropriated by one of our Indian regiments, 
which came up after the fighting was over and while 
the Second was pursuing the enemy. On the twenty- 
seventh the guns we captured were turned over to 



62 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Captain Hopkins and his company, and were thereafter 
known as Hopkins's battery. 

The division remained in the vicinity of old Fort 
Wayne until November 6, and then moved to Prairie 
Creek, eight miles south of Bentonville, 

ENGAGEMENT AT BOONSBOEO AND COVE CREEK, NOVEMBER 

8, 1862 

On the seventh of November, Colonel Cloud and 
myself, under orders from General Blunt, went out on 
an expedition southward with the Second Kansas Cav- 
alry and Stover's howitzers. On the morning of the 
ninth we struck Colonel Emmet McDonald, Confed- 
erate Provost-Marshal of Missouri and Arkansas, at 
Boonsboro, and, after a sharp engagement of two 
hours, broke his line and started his forces on the re- 
treat toward Cove Creek and the Boston Mountains. 

McDonald's command was composed of Confed- 
erate troops from Missouri and Arkansas, with a train 
of five baggage wagons which had been started south 
before we arrived. Having notice of our coming, Mc- 
Donald had formed his line on a slight elevation in a 
cluster of trees with a ravine in his front. We moved 
up, formed, and opened at long range, but the distance 
was so far that our fire did little damage. Finally we 
worked our way across and around the ravine and ad- 
vanced and opened fire at close range. 

As nearly as we could estimate, the forces were 
about equal in numbers. Every man on either side was 
at his best and ready to do or die. The colonels com- 
manding — Cloud and McDonald — were well matched ; 
both were nervous, vain, courageous, and wore long 
hair. McDonald was a dashing Hibernian, taught 
from childhood to eat food from the point of the sword. 
Cloud was a Knight of the Old Guard, no less dashing 
and eager for military glory. But in many ways the 
contest was unequal. Cloud had trained soldiers who 
knew not the meaning of the word ** retreat." Me- 



OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI 63 

Donald had a crowd of irregular, indefinite, uncertain 
Missouri and Arkansas politicians who depended 
largely upon their mouths and lungs for success. The 
Second replied to their noisy racket with bullets which 
soon had a soothing effect. 

After skirmishing and fighting for about two hours, 
the enemy's line began to waver and pretty soon fell 
back to a new position. From this they were readily 
dislodged, and then driven steadily over the hills to 
Cove Creek, fiA^e miles distant, whqre retreat was 
turned into a rout, and for twenty miles down the val- 
ley it was a race for dear life. We soon overtook and 
captured their train, baggage, and supplies. We also 
captured a number of prisoners whose horses had 
failed them; and finally we captured their flag, and 
scattered what was left among the hills in all 
directions. 

From Cove Creek we moved by the wire road to 
Fayetteville, Arkansas; and thence by way of Elm 
Springs back to Prairie Creek, whence we had started. 
On arriving at camp we found the division on half ra- 
tions, and General Blunt considerably worried about 
a supply train of three hundred wagons which had 
started from Fort Scott ten days previous. The mil- 
itary road from our camp to Fort Scott, one hundred 
and twenty-five miles, was beset with Missouri bush- 
whackers and Rebel Indian renegades, and General 
Blunt was solicitous lest the train, which was overdue, 
might have been captured. 

SKIRMISH WITH BUSHWHACKERS 

To find the train and bring it to camp, I was di- 
rected to take my battalion and a detachment of In- 
dian troops under Lieutenant Manning, and move north 
in the direction of Fort Scott. On the morning of the 
seventeenth we started and marched by way of Elk 
River to Pineville, Missouri. 

In the afternoon we struck a band of bushwhackers 



64 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

in the hills of McDonald County, who fancied they 
could impede our progress. They had stationed their 
sharp-shooters in a double-log farm-house and behind 
a bam filled with hay ; and also formed an ambuscade 
in a corn-field near-by. As our advance passed, the 
sharp-shooters fired, and wounded one of our men. I 
immediately threw a squadron of the Second forward 
into line and opened fire on the house, barn, and every- 
thing in sight. 

At the same time Lieutenant Manning swung his 
battalion around the house and moved forward to take 
care of the gentlemen in the corn-field. A few volleys 
brought a cadaverous clay-eater out of the house pro- 
claiming his loyalty to the Union, the invariable plea 
of the bushwhacker when caught red-handed. He was 
promptly made a prisoner, and the firing went mer- 
rily on. 

In some way the barn and hay took fire and soon 
the flames leaped to the dwelling-house, and from there 
to a number of wheat stacks near by. Then the bush- 
whackers climbed out and saved themselves as best 
they could. Some of them ran within range of Man- 
ning's guns, and others fled for their holes in the near- 
by rugged hills. The place was a rendezvous for 
thieves and cut-throats, and the wheat, corn, and hay 
had been gathered and cribbed and stacked there for 
their winter supply. 

From here we moved to Pineville, and camped for 
the night. The next day we reached Neosho late in the 
afternoon. Wlien within a mile of town, I ordered 
Lieutenant Moore, with the advance guard, to dash 
forward and pick up such of the enemy as he might 
find lying around loose. Moore, true as the needle to 
the pole, moved rapidly down the road and into town 
so quickly that the Rebel ladies had not time to con- 
ceal the few bushwhackers or Confederates who were 
prowling about. 

Most of them, however, hearing the racket incident 



OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI 65 

to a cavalry company moving at full speed, had time to 
mount their horses and get away, — in fact all of them, 
if I remember correctly, except one^ belated captain 
who was running at full speed down one of the princi- 
pal streets, with Lieutenant Moore on a fleet horse not 
twenty paces in his rear. Moore could have disabled 
or killed him easily, but preferred to capture him. The 
captain's fiancee, a most beautiful little Rebel girl, 
standing on the sidewalk and seeing her gallant cap- 
tain in danger of being captured, ran out and threw 
herself immediately in front of Moore's horse and 
brought him to a halt; and that gave the Rebel cap- 
tain time to make good his escape. It has always been 
a question in my mind whether it was the danger of 
running over the young lady or her charming beauty 
that brought the Lieutenant so suddenly to a halt. 

From Neosho we moved on to Carthage and there 
could hear only wild rumors concerning our train. One 
report was that it had been captured by Stand Watie 
and the bushwhackers over on the military road. An- 
other was that it had been attacked and driven by way 
of Lamar to Springfield, Missouri. So I called a halt 
at Carthage and sent Lieutenant Manning north to the 
Lamar Road, and Lieutenant Moore west to the mili- 
tary road, and awaited their return. 

CAVALRY FIGHT AT CARTHAGE, NOVEMBER 20, 1862 

Wliile encamped in the old court-house square at 
Carthage about one o'clock on the morning of Novem- 
ber 20, the notorious bushwhacker, Tom Livingston, 
attacked our picket of seven men a mile from camp, 
with about one hundred men. The picket fired one 
volley and immediately started at full speed for camp. 
I had previously instructed them if attacked to come 
in at the southwest corner of the public square, where 
I would meet them. 

My troops were sleeping on their arms and as soon 
as the pickets fired, I moved eighty men to the point 



66 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

designated and formed them in line across the street. 
The enemy followed our pickets at full speed and both 
parties were firing as they came. I reserved the fire 
from my line until our men passed, and then levelled a 
volley at the bunch of bushwhackers, who had been 
brought to a halt suddenly within a few paces of our 
line. While they were turning their horses and try- 
ing to get away, we gave them another volley which 
emptied a number of saddles. How many were killed 
and wounded we had no means of knowing, but four of 
their men, too badly wounded to be removed, were left 
in our hands. 

During the night the scouting parties returned, and 
Lieutenant Moore reported that he had found the lost 
train in camp on Spring Eiver twenty miles west of 
Carthage. They had been lying idle for ten days, while 
the army at the front was short of rations. The next 
morning Lieutenant Manning having returned from 
Lamar, I moved west and, arriving at the train in the 
evening, assumed command and issued the order of 
march for six o'clock the next morning. 

In conversation with Captain Conkey of the Third 
Wisconsin Cavalry, who had commanded the escort 
for the train from Fort Scott to Spring River, I found 
that on arriving there, Captain Morton, a quarter- 
master, had assumed command and held the train in 
camp for ten days. He was living in regal style — a la 
Schah de Perse — and did not concern himself about 
his imaginary subjects, the army at the front. 

When six o 'clock, the hour of march, came the next 
morning, the train-mules had not been hitched to the 
wagons, Morton's tents were still standing, his outfit 
asleep, and their breakfast in embryo. Captain Gard- 
ner, the officer of the day, a real soldier, rode over, 
called him up, and asked if he did not receive the order 
of march the night before. *' Yes," he said, *' but I 
want it understood right now that I am in command of 
this train, and it will not move until I say the word." 



OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI 67 

I was sitting on my horse some distance away, wait- 
ing to hear the cause of delay, when Captain Gardner 
rode up and told me. We rode over to Morton's tent, 
and called him out. I asked him about what was said 
to Captain Gardner. 

'' Yes," he said, *' I claim to be in — " 

'' That 's enough, I said, " and if I hear another 
word from you about commanding this train, I will 
tie you behind a wagon from here to the camp of the 
division." Then I ordered Gardner to move the train, 
and if Morton and his outfit were not in line when the 
rear-guard moved, to leave them back to take care of 
themselves. 

Morton's tents went down as if by magic and his 
baggage-wagon and other paraphernalia dropped in 
the rear just in time to save themselves. Thereafter, 
from this camp to the army in Arkansas, we had no 
further trouble. I moved the train at the rate of twenty- 
five miles per day, over a rough road, without the loss 
of a man, mule, or wagon. 

In a skirmish with the notorious Fay Price of 
Southwest Missouri, I had one man slightly wounded, 
but Price and his bushwhackers paid dearly for it. 
They had secreted themselves in a cluster of trees and 
bushes near the road, and when the bulk of the train 
and troops had passd, they opened fire on what they 
supposed to be our rear guard. But it so happened 
that the gallant Captain Coleman with his company of 
the Ninth Kansas Cavalry was yet back, and hearing 
the firing he made a dash for an open field on their rear. 
Finding themselves almost surrounded, they broke and 
tried to make their escape, but Coleman was too quick 
for them. He captured Price and a number of prison- 
ers, some of whom had been wounded and their horses 
shot from under them. 

On November 26 we reached the army in Western 
Arkansas and received a hearty welcome from five 
thousand men who were out of rations. 



CHAPTER VI 

CAMPAIGN IN ARKANSAS 

BATTLE OF CANE HILL BATTLE OF THE BOSTON MOUN- 
TAINS, DECEMBER 6, 1862 BATTLE OF PRAIRIE GROVE, 

DECEMBER 7, 1862 ARMISTICE REQUESTED BY GENERAL 

HINDMAN REAL SOLDIERS AND POLITICAL SOLDIERS. 

/^N the twenty-seventh of November the Second 
^^-^ moved with General Blunt 's division to Rhea's 
Mills, seven miles north of Cane Hill, where the Con- 
federate general Marmaduke and Shelby were stationed 
with about five thousand troops. At two o 'clock on the 
morning of the twenty-eighth, General Blunt with four 
thousand of his division moved on the road to Marma- 
duke 's camp. The night was dark, and the road almost 
impassable. The General 's order of march for his cav- 
alry and artillery was ill conceived, and his plan of 
battle was worse. He knew nothing of the enemy's 
actual position, and went blundering along with his 
artillery virtually unsupported, in the advance, and 
his cavalry and infantry all mixed up in the rear, and 
scattered and straggling back for miles along a muddy 
road. 

Marmaduke had selected his own battle-ground and 
formed his line extending northward from College Hill. 
In front of his artillery was a deep hollow with precip- 
itous hill-sides. 

BATTLE OF CANE HILL 

Blunt moved up a steep hill and out in front of 
Marmaduke 's line with the Second Indiana battery un- 
der Captain Rabb, supported by Major Fisk with three 

68 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 69 

companies of the Second Kansas Cavalry, while the 
remainder of his troops were from one to three miles 
back. He ordered Rabb to go into battery on a hill- 
side and open on the enemy. While Eabb was trying 
to get his guns in position, the enemy opened on him, 
and having the range, knocked his guns, horses, and 
men around promiscuously. Major Fisk was wounded, 
and his battalion, with Rabb's, had to fall back to a 
new position. Had Marmaduke charged at that par- 
ticular time, the day would have been lost before the 
battle began, because Blunt had no troops within sup- 
porting distance. The Eleventh Kansas was the near- 
est, and it was a mile in the rear, halted and waiting 
for ihe men to close up. Colonel Bassett and I, with 
six companies of the Second and Stover's guns, were 
in the rear of the Eleventh, and the rest of the troops 
were still in our rear. Colonel Cloud and I had been 
over that road about two weeks before, and knew the 
danger of the position. When Blunt went forward 
with Rabb's battery and Fisk's battalion, which was 
no support as against five thousand men, I told Col- 
onels Ewing and Bassett that Blunt would strike the 
enemy in less than ten minutes, and urged them to move 
forward to his support. But they did not move until 
the Rebel batteries opened fire, when a staff officer 
came dashing back with orders for the Second Kansas 
to the front. 

I took the six companies we had, passed the Elev- 
enth, and reached the field in a few minutes. On arriv- 
ing General Blunt directed me to leave one company 
with him, and take the other five and move rapidly to 
the enemy's left and, if possible, roll up his flank. In 
executing this order, my movements were accelerated 
by reason of a Rebel battery which played on my bat- 
talion until we were beyond their reach. 

Marmaduke 's line — cavalry, in single rank — ex- 
tended northward from College Hill for over a mile 
without any protection for his flank. I moved down in 



70 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

column of fours at a gallop, wheeled into line, sounded 
the charge and shattered their left into fragments. We 
rolled up their flank for more than a quarter of a mile, 
and until checked by a Eebel battery, which, in turn, 
was speedily silenced by Hopkins 's battery, which had 
been sent to my support. 

Meantime the remainder of our troops had reached 
the field and formed in the centre and on the left, with 
Eabb's battery in a commanding position, from which 
he was raining shot and shell on the Eebel battery that 
had played him a dance early in the morning. This 
battery had no superior on either side in the Civil 
War; and Captain Eabb in action was all that could 
be desired. 

One by one Marmaduke 's guns on his right ceased 
firing, and in his centre it was but a faint echo and 
shadow of the bravado and dazzling scenes of the early 
morning. The defiant Eebel yell had dwindled down 
to a sickly whimper and the plumed commanders 
seemed to be seeking places of safety. The Second 
Kansas and Hopkins's battery were still pounding 
them on the left, and our infantry was not idle in the 
centre. 

With both flanks rolled up and his centre steadily 
yielding ground, Marmaduke, thinking no doubt that 
discretion was the better part of valor, ordered a re- 
treat. His troops, greatly demoralized, fell back in a 
southerly direction to a body of timber about a half- 
mile from the battlefield, where he and his officers 
halted long enough for most of his men to find their 
regiments. While they were thus collecting their men, 
the Second Kansas and Hopkins's battery moved 
around on a hill west of them and renewed the fight; 
they again started on the retreat, with the Second on 
their flank and in their rear, until they reached a spur 
of the Boston Mountains, five miles distant, over which 
the road ran. 

On this spur of the mountains, which was difficult 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 71 

of ascent, Marmaduke halted and formed a part of his 
troops in line to check our advance. He stationed his 
artillery so as to rake the road, which made it neces- 
sary for me to halt and wait for reinforcements. In a 
short time General Blunt arrived with the infantry, 
when we took the hill by storm, and again started the 
Rebels on a trot with the Second at their heels. 

I held the advance for two miles farther and nntil 
the Second was running short of ammunition, when 
Colonel Jewell and Major Campbell, with the Sixth 
Kansas Cavalry, came up about 4 :30 P. M. and asked 
me to let them take the advance. The Second having 
been in the saddle continuously for one day and night 
before the battle began that morning, I was more than 
pleased to see the Sixth go to the front. We were then 
approaching Cove Creek Valley with the enemy in our 
immediate front, contesting every available point. 

The Sixth Kansas was a good regiment, well armed 
and equipped, and Jewell and Campbell were first- 
class officers. When I sounded the recall, Jewell threw 
his regiment forward into line and pressed the ene- 
my 's rear-guard until they were well out in the valley. 
The head of Marmaduke 's retreating forces was by 
this time probably three or four miles in advance. The 
valley was narrow, and the winding of the creek back 
and forth across the road afforded many opportunities 
for a skilful officer, like Joe Shelby, to form ambus- 
cades and check his pursuers; and that is just what 
he did. 

Colonel Jewell, after reaching the valley with a 
fresh regiment, got tired of being held back by what 
seemed to be a light rear-guard, and made up his mind, 
no doubt, to drive it in on the main force. Meantime 
Marmaduke was tired of being pursued, and ready to 
do anything that would give him relief. Finding a 
suitable place to ambush our advance, he stationed a 
force behind some bushes along the bank of the creek, 
which at that place ran parallel with the road for a 



72 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

short distance; and he placed a few men in the road 
farther along. When Colonel Jewell saw the decoy 
men in the road, as I was informed, he ordered a 
charge; and as he and his men were passing the am- 
buscade, they received a volley, which killed Jewell 
and a number of his men, and wounded most of the 
others in his charging party ; perhaps twenty in all. 

This was the closing scene of the battle of Cane 
Hill, which began awkwardly, was fought and won gal- 
lantly, and ended unfortunately. The Second Kansas 
bivouacked in Cove Creek Valley where the battle 
ended, and the next day returned to Cane Hill and 
went into camp. 

BATTLE OF THE BOSTON MOUNTAINS, DECEMBER 6, 1862 

On the third of December, five days after the battle 
of Cane Hill, I was sent down the Cove Creek Road in 
the direction of Van Buren with a battalion of the 
Second Kansas to reconnoitre the country and ascer- 
tain, if possible, the whereabouts of the Confederate 
forces of Generals Hindman and Marmaduke, who 
were reported as advancing to attack General Blunt 
at Cane Hill. I reached Lee's Creek, twenty-five miles 
distant, late in the afternoon and met a scouting party 
of the enemy, which after a slight skirmish retreated 
southward on the Van Buren Road. Returning to Cane 
Hill, I reported to General Blunt at one o'clock that 
night. 

The next day Captain Russell was sent with a bat- 
talion of the Second over the same road for a like pur- 
pose. He met the enemy's advance or outpost near 
Lee's Creek and skirmished with them until dark, try- 
ing to ascertain if the enemy was there in force. Dur- 
ing the night he returned to camp and reported his 
discoveries to General Blunt. 

On Friday morning, December 5, having been or- 
dered by General Blunt, in person, to take a battalion 
of the Second and move down the Cove Creek Road 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 73 

until checked by a superior force, and then reconnoitre 
until I learned to a certainty the strength and move- 
ments of the enemy, I left camp at daylight with se- 
lected officers and troops, and moved as directed. 

About noon we met the enemy's advance guard 
some ten miles below where we entered the valley, and 
advanced cautiously, as the guard slowly retreated, 
until we sighted a heavy body of cavalry moving at a 
steady gait. From their action I knew it was the ad- 
vance of Hindman's army. As they advanced, I fell 
back slowly, trying to determine their numbers. The 
winding road afforded a good opportunity for this; 
and as nearly as I could estimate, they had about a 
thousand men. Beyond them we could dimly see the 
head of the main column, but every movement of their 
advance showed that an army was behind them. 
Finally they halted, dismounted, and were apparently 
preparing to go into camp. Then we moved back about 
four miles to our picket post, which I strengthened 
with two additional companies of cavalry, — Captains 
Gardner and Mathews, — and then dismounted the bat- 
talion to await developments. 

At dark I sent Lieutenant Moore with twenty men 
down the mountain road parallel with and overlooking 
the valley, in which the enemy was encamped. After 
advancing six or seven miles and reaching a viewpoint 
opposite the centre of the enemy's camp, he returned 
and reported camp-fires burning brightly up and down 
the valley as far as he could see. That was evidence 
conclusive, proof positive, that Hindman was there 
with a large army. After telling Captain Gardner that 
he would be attacked at daylight, and promising to 
have reinforcements there before that time, I returned 
to camp and reported to General Blunt at one o'clock 
in the morning of December 6. 

Having previously become satisfied that Generals 
Hindman and Marmaduke had united their forces and 
were moving against him with at least twenty thou- 



74 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

sand men, General Blunt advised General Curtis, at 
St. Louis, of the fact, and asked for reinforcements. 
General Curtis immediately directed General Herron, 
who was encamped near Springfield, Missouri, to move 
with two divisions by forced marches to Blunt 's sup- 
port. Herron moved promptly and kept Blunt ad- 
vised of his progress. 

With Hindman 's army only ten miles distant, Blunt 
should have fallen back on the Fayetteville road until 
he met Herron; but he was stubborn and would not 
yield. He thought he could hold Hindman in check 
until Herron arrived, and then fight the battle near 
Cane Hill. I told him it was risky ; that our cavalry- 
post in Cove Creek Valley would be driven in at day- 
light, unless strongly reinforced, and that would open 
the way for Hindman to attack him before Herron 
came up. 

I told him that I had promised Captain Gardner, in 
charge of the picket-post, that he should be reinforced 
during the night unless the division fell back to meet 
Herron. I told him also that nothing short of a regi- 
ment could hold that post any length of time against 
Hindman 's advance. The General, after considering 
the situation a few minutes, sent an order by me to 
Colonel Cloud to have the post reinforced with one 
hundred men and two howitzers before daylight. I 
delivered the order at two o'clock in the morning, and 
Cloud immediately repeated it to Lieutenant-Colonel 
Bassett of the Second Kansas, who in turn made the 
necessary detail, with Captain Cameron unfortunately 
in command. Instead of being at the picket-post, six 
miles distant, at daylight, Cameron with his detail of 
one hundred men did not leave camp until after 
sunrise. 

Sure enough, at daylight, the post was attacked by 
an overwhelming force, and Captain Gardner was com- 
pelled to fall back, but he contested every foot of the 
ground until I reached him with a battalion of the Sec- 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 75 

ond, when we checked and forced them into line. 
While they were forming, the remainder of the Second 
Kansas, and also a battalion of the Eleventh Kansas 
Infantry, came up, and then a fight for the possession 
of the hill began in earnest. 

The real fighting forces on each side were about 
equal in numbers, and occupied all the open space 
available for cavalry on top of the hill or spur of the 
Boston Mountains. Hindman with his army was over 
in the valley two miles back, waiting for his cavalry to 
open the road, that he might advance on Cane Hill and 
strike Blunt, before Herron (who was yet twenty-five 
miles away) could arrive. My orders from General 
Blunt were to hold the hill at all hazards, but not to 
bring on a general engagement. 

Colonel Shelby, who was commanding the Eebel 
cavalry opposed to us, as he afterwards told me, was 
ordered to take the hill regardless of consequences. 
Having fought all morning with determination and lost 
more than he gained, Shelby determined to change his 
tactics, and in the afternoon he made two unsuccessful 
charges, which were repulsed with heavy loss to him. 
Becoming desperate, General Hindman sent Colonel 
Emmet McDonald, the long-haired Greek of Boonsboro 
fame, with his regiment to lead and show Joe Shelby 
how to do it. 

While they were forming a line for their last des- 
perate charge, which they hoped would sweep the field 
clean, I dismounted five companies of the Second and 
formed them in line with three companies of the Elev- 
enth Kansas Infantry, and then stationed the other five 
companies of the Second on the right in column of 
fours, ready to go left-front into line for a counter- 
charge; then I awaited results. Emmet and Joe had 
their line formed all right about six hundred yards in 
our front, with a few scattering trees intervening, but 
they seemed to hesitate in sounding the charge. Shelby 
had already made two charges during the day, and 



76 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

was tired. But Emmet was fresh and eager for the 
fray. Still they did not move. 

After waiting quite a while I sent Captain Russell 
with a few picked men, and Captain Tough with his 
scouts, forward to stir things up. They moved out in 
front of the Rebel line and opened fire. That was im- 
pudence that Southern chivalry could not endure. 
Some fellow from Pike County gave a whoop, which 
brought forth that old discordant sound known as the 
Rebel yell, and that in turn infused courage sufficient 
to enable them to make a start. At first they moved 
slowly, then they increased their speed until they came 
within forty yards of our line, when they received a 
most deadly volley, which stopped their music and sent 
many of them to the happy hunting-grounds. Those 
who were not killed or wounded went back faster than 
they came, followed closely by the reserve battalion 
of the Second, until the field was cleared in the other 
direction. 

That was the end of our fighting on Saturday, De- 
cember 6, and settled the question as to who were en- 
titled to the possession of the hill. It was a hard, 
bloody fight in proportion to the numbers engaged, but 
it had to be made to save Blunt 's division. Finding 
it impossible to open the road and cross his army over 
the hill to attack Blunt 's division. General Hindman 
during the night moved forward on the wire road to 
Prairie Grove. 

BATTLE OF PKAIKIE GROVE, DECEMBER 7, 1862 

After the battle of the sixth I remained on the field 
with a part of the Second Kansas until eleven o'clock 
at night, when I was ordered to report to General Blunt 
at Cane Hill. On arriving at his headquarters about 
one o'clock on the morning of December 7, the day of 
the Prairie Grove battle, I found him asleep on his cot ; 
but he awoke suddenly and moved actively until the 
close of the pending battle on that eventful day. I told 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 77 

him of the operations at the front during the day ; of 
the desperation of the enemy in trying to take the hill ; 
of the cavalry charges of Colonel Shelby, repeatedly 
made and successfully resisted; of the last desperate 
charge made by Shelby and McDonald, and of our 
countercharge which cleared the field of the enemy ex- 
cept their dead and wounded. I told him also that 
Hindman had changed his plan of crossing over to Cane 
Hill and was at that moment moving north on the Fay- 
etteville Road, evidently with the intention of getting 
between him and Herron. 

About half-past one o'clock, just as I was conclud- 
ing my report, Colonel Wickersham of the Tenth Illi- 
nois Cavalry came in and reported sixteen hundred 
cavalry from Herron 's two divisions. Without con- 
sidering the matter. General Blunt immediately or- 
dered him to move due east six miles on the Hog Eye 
Road and attack Hindman vigorously on the flank. 
Wickersham had just completed a forced march of 
ninety miles and he told the General that his men and 
horses must have rest and something to eat. General 
Blunt then changed his order and sent a staff officer 
to show him where to camp and see that he was sup- 
plied with rations and forage. 

Later, during the night, General Blunt sent Col- 
onel Richardson with the Fourteenth Missouri Cavalry 
and Captain Conkey's company of the Third Wiscon- 
sin Cavalry, with instructions to attack Hindman 's col- 
umn at any available point. Richardson moved 
promptly, but before reaching the enemy he met Cap- 
tain Coleman of the Ninth Kansas Cavalry with his 
company, who had been on picket at the junction of the 
Hog Eye and Fayetteville Roads, and driven back by 
the advance of Hindman 's army. Richardson then 
halted and reported the situation to General Blunt, 
who immediately ordered Colonel Judson with the 
Sixth Kansas Cavalry and two howitzers to reinforce 
Richardson and attack Hindman. Judson did not 



78 KANSAS EST THE SIXTIES 

reach the Fayetteville Road until about eight o'clock 
in the morning, when the rear of Hindman's army 
was passing, and his advance fighting Herron at 
Prairie Grove. 

After reporting to General Blunt at one o'clock 
A. M., I returned to the front, and at daylight on the 
morning of the seventh I was on the hill where the 
fighting had ceased the evening before. Everything 
was quiet and the enemy was nowhere to be seen. At 
nine o'clock in the morning I heard Judson's howitzers 
apparently about three miles to the north on the Fay- 
etteville Road. I was satisfied then, as I now know, 
that he was shelling Hindman's rear-guard. 

Blunt 's baggage train, escorted by Salomon's brig- 
ade, had been ordered to Rhea's Mills as a place of 
safety. About ten o 'clock the brigade of Colonel Wick- 
ersham was started from Cane Hill in the direction of 
Prairie Grove where Herron 's two divisions were fight- 
ing Hindman's whole army. The Second Kansas was 
left at the front until eleven o 'clock, when the regiment 
moved and passed through Cane Hill at twelve, en 
route for the battlefield. 

Prairie Grove was about eight miles northeast of 
Cane Hill, and Rhea's Mills seven miles northwest. By 
mistake "Wickersham, followed by Weer's brigade, took 
the road to Rhea's Mills and lost a considerable amount 
of time in reaching the battlefield; but when they did 
get there they made up for lost time. Cloud's brigade, 
which was the last to leave Cane Hill, took the right 
road and reached the field in advance of the two brig- 
ades that had started earlier. 

Herron 's infantry and artillery and a part of his 
cavalry had reached Fayetteville late the night before, 
and pushed resolutely forward to join General Blunt. 
From Fayetteville his cavalry, except Wickersham 's 
brigade (which was with Blunt), took the advance and 
on reaching Illinois Creek at the northeast coAier of 
Prairie Grove, ran into the flower of Hindman's cav- 
alry, under Marmaduke and Joe Shelby. 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 79 

Herron's cavalry was taken completely by sur- 
prise, and for an hour held the hot end of the poker as 
a penalty for their carelessness. They were driven back 
to the infantry with a loss of about three hundred men, 
killed, wounded, and captured. But this mishap was 
not entirely attributable to the carelessness of the of- 
ficers. They were expecting every moment to meet 
Blunt 's division, instead of Hindman's army. 

When Shelby struck Herron's infantry he saw an- 
other sight. The race then was in the other direction. 
Herron moved steadily forward with his infantry and 
artillery, crossed the Illinois Creek, and opened the 
battle of Prairie Grove in earnest. From eleven o 'clock 
in the morning until two o 'clock in the afternoon, with 
his two divisions of seven thousand men, he was fight- 
ing Hindman's army of twenty thousand. 

A considerable part of Hindman's infantry, how- 
ever, was rather weak, and depended largely for suc- 
cess on what was known as the Rebel yell. That yell 
early in the war had more or less effect on green troops, 
but it had long since ceased to be potent in the West. 

Herron's batteries of artillery, being planted on 
available ground, sent forth a deadly fire of shot, shell, 
and canister, alternately, as occasion required. His 
solid veteran regiments of infantry moved forward 
to close range and poured in volley after volley, imtil 
the Rebel brigades, one after another, began to weaken. 
Facing an army of about three to one in numbers, he 
held his position until Blunt 's division reached the field 
and formed on his right. 

That brought General Hindman to a sense of his 
misery. It was just what he had been manoeuvring for 
three days to avoid. His first plan was to attack Blunt 
at Cane Hill and defeat him before Herron came up. 
Failing in that, his next plan was to attack Herron and 
defeat him before Blunt could reach the field. Failing 
in that, he was now face to face with a condition. 

Blunt was there with his division rapidly swinging 
into line. On his right was Colonel Wickersham's 



80 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

cavalry brigade, consisting of the Tenth Illinois, First 
Iowa, Eighth Missouri, and Second Wisconsin. On 
Wickersham 's left was Colonel Weer's brigade, con- 
sisting of the Tenth Kansas Infantry, the Thirteenth 
Kansas Infantry and a detachment of the Third Indian, 
with Captain Tenney's battery on Weer's right. On 
Weer's left were Colonel Cloud's brigade, the Eleventh 
Kansas Infantry, the Second Kansas Cavalry, dis- 
mounted, and the First Indian, dismounted, with the 
batteries of Captains Rabb and Hopkins to the left- 
rear of Blunt 's line. To the left of Cloud's brigade 
was Herron's right and in the centre were Stover's 
howitzers. 

To meet this force General Hindman brought up his 
entire reserve, consisting of the divisions of Generals 
Frost and Parsons, and also a part of Marmaduke's 
division, dismounted. The Rebel line was vastly su- 
perior to ours in point of numbers, but not otherwise. 
Hindman, with twenty thousand men, had got the worst 
of the fight with Herron before we reached the field; 
and he and his officers were in disgrace in their own 
estimation. Blunt had allowed Hindman to pass 
around and throw his army against Herron, who was 
coming to his relief, and he felt chagrined and des- 
perate. 

No two lines faced each other on the battlefield 
during the Civil War, with more fiendish delight and 
devilish determination, than did these contending 
forces, from three o'clock in the afternoon until after 
dark, in the battle of Prairie Grove. From the begin- 
ning, it was give and take; a square stand-up and 
knock-down fight. For three hours the roar of cannon, 
the crash and bursting of shell, the rattle of musketry 
and the shrieks of the wounded were simply appalling. 
At one time the fire was so hot that Colonel Wattle's 
battalion of Indians on my left broke and fled to the 
rear, leaving a gap between my battalion and Herron's 
right, which was speedily occupied by the Rebels, and 



I 



CAMPAIGN IN KA.NSAS 81 

for a while I was under a heavy fire from the front and 
flank at the same time. But this lasted only long 
enough for the Twentieth Iowa on Herron's extreme 
right to make a half- wheel and put in a few volleys that 
cleared the space. With great fury the battle raged 
all along the line. 

About sunset a Rebel brigade made a desperate 
charge in the face of musketry and canister. They 
were mowed down in swaths with bullets and canister, 
as they advanced. In this awful situation they sought 
shelter behind some hay ricks and straw stacks, where 
they huddled like sheep, until Captain Rabb fired the 
hay and straw with hot shot, when they were compelled 
to retreat under a galling fire. This was perhaps the 
bloodiest part of the field. At least the great number 
of Confederate dead and wounded that lay piled in 
heaps, gave evidence of a terrific slaughter. 

Just before this last charge was made by the en- 
emy, Rabb and Hopkins had moved their batteries 
forward in line with the infantry. A short distance to 
my right Stover's howitzers were in position. As the 
enemy advanced, this artillery — twelve guns — opened 
with canister. It was Hindman's forlorn hope, his 
last effort; and from a military point of view, the 
charge should not have been made. He should have 
known that the attempt would plunge his men into the 
very jaws of death. If he did not know it before, he 
found it out later, to his sorrow. When this last en- 
counter ended, the moon was shining brightly, and 
Blunt 's forces were in line where they had been when 
they went into action. 

Hindman 's forces having fallen back a mile or more 
over the hill, Blunt moved his division back a short 
distance on the prairie and bivouacked for the night, 
expecting to renew the battle at daylight. During the 
night he removed his train from Rhea's Mills to Fay- 
etteville and brought up Salomon's brigade of fresh 
troops that had not been in action during the day. He 



82 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

also brought on to the field a good many stragglers and 
straggling companies, which, under one pretence or 
another, had dodged the battle. He also reorganized 
his troops for the battle of the next day. 

His plan was to draw Hindman out on to the open 
prairie, so as to give his cavalry a free rein. Every 
detail for a renewal of the battle was arranged, and 
the troops — Blunt 's division and Herron's — were 
ready to go into action at daylight on the morning of 
the eighth. But at daylight there was an unusual si- 
lence in the direction of Hindman 's camp. A few sol- 
itary horsemen could be seen here and there, but no 
sign of an army in readiness for battle. 

ABMISTICE REQUESTED BY GENERAL, HINDMAN 

About sunrise, when our troops were ready to move 
into line of battle, General Marmaduke appeared before 
General Herron's headquarters, under a flag of truce, 
and requested an interview and armistice for General 
Hindman. Not caring to grant the request without 
consulting General Blunt, Herron informed Marma- 
duke that he would communicate with Blunt and if 
agreeable to him, they would meet Hindman at ten 
o'clock that morning. Marmaduke returned to Hind- 
man's headquarters and Herron came over to see 
Blunt. 

At first they were both averse to granting either an 
interview or an armistice. They both wanted to finish 
the battle that day, and bury the dead afterwards. 
But Marmaduke had told Herron that many of their 
wounded were still on the field, suffering, and he 
wanted time to remove them. So they finally concluded 
to grant the interview. 

At ten o'clock they met in the open field, midway 
between the two lines, and the parley began. When 
they first met, Hindman and Marmaduke were full of 
fight, and nothing but '* poor, suffering humanity, 
spread over yonder bloody field, prevented them from 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 83 

renewing the battle at daylight that morning. ' * Little 
did they know the temper and bulldog tenacity of the 
two Generals, Blunt and Herron. 

After rattling along for a few minutes on the line 
of humanity, with a mixture of bluff and braggadocio 
occasionally thrown in. General Hindman became elo- 
quent, and branched out into a wide field of oratory 
and the art of war, foreign to the subject-matter under 
consideration, when General Blunt brought him up on 
a round turn. 

It became apparent to Blunt and Herron that Hind- 
man was simply trying to kill time, and Blunt was not 
slow in telling him so. He asked Hindman if he had 
not taken his wounded off the field the night before, 
as he (Blunt) had done; and if not, why? General 
Hindman replied that they had removed a part of 
their wounded but it was so dark that many could not 
be found. '' Besides," he said, *' it is barbarous to 
fight over so many dead bodies." *' Yes," replied 
Blunt, " but war is barbarous, and the sooner we close 
this battle, the less barbarity we shall have. How 
much time do you want? " Hindman replied that he 
would like to have all day and then renew the battle the 
next morning. Blunt said, '' No, General; it is now 
eleven o 'clock and I will give you until twelve, noon. ' ' 
Hindman then came down off his lofty pinnacle and 
begged for more time, when Blunt and Herron finally 
agreed that they would give him until four o'clock 
P. M. With that understanding the interview closed, 
and the several generals returned to their respective 
commands. 

At that moment Hindman 's infantry and artillery 
were fifteen miles from the field under full retreat on 
the road to Van Buren. His troops started on the re- 
treat about one o'clock that morning, and Hindman 
and Marmaduke were playing false to save their army. 
Possibly under Confederate ethics, their treachery was 
excusable; but under ordinary rules of civilized war- 



84 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

fare, sucli conduct would be regarded as dishonorable 
among soldiers, and disreputable among gentlemen. 

Before Hindman's troops began to leave the field 
after the battle, they built rousing camp-fires and left 
them burning. That was legitimate tactics. But com- 
ing under a flag of truce and begging, for the sake of 
humanity, a suspension of hostilities, in order to bury 
their dead and care for their wounded, and then run- 
ning way and leaving that work for our troops to per- 
form, was at least tricky, if not heartless. 

From the armistice conference. Generals Hindman 
and Marmaduke, after their requests had been granted 
by Blunt and Herron, rode back through the field, 
where their dead were lying all round and their 
wounded suffering and begging for water and medical 
treatment, without stopping to make any provision for 
them. They assembled their detachments of cavalry 
which had been held back as a rear-guard and imme- 
diately left the field. 

Our troops buried the Confederate dead and gath- 
ered up their wounded and conveyed them to hospitals 
where they were properly cared for. 

EEAL SOLDIERS AND POLITICAL SOLDIERS 

As a general, Hindman was not a Stonewall Jack- 
son. Previous to this battle, where he fought and ran 
away, he was encamped with more than twenty thou- 
sand men in the vicinity of Dripping Springs and 
Lee's Creek, twenty-five or thirty miles south of Cane 
Hill. General Blunt, with not more than seven thou- 
sand, was encamped around Cane Hill. General Her- 
ron, with seven thousand men, was encamped along 
Wilson's Creek near Springfield, Missouri, ninety miles 
away. After the battle of Cane Hill, General Hindman 
formed a junction with General Marmaduke 's forces, 
and, as everybody knew, was preparing to attack Blunt 
before reinforcements could reach him. 

But he did not do it. He let the opportunity go by, 



CAMPAIGN IN KANSAS 85 

as I have already shown, and then in a hesitating sort 
of way concluded to regain lost opportunities by at- 
tacking Herron while Blunt was yet at Cane Hill. 
This would have been a good stroke, if Marmaduke or 
Joe Shelby had been in command; but with Hindman 
at the helm, it was simply another lost opportunity. 
Had the cavalry success of the early morning been 
supported by the infantry and artillery, Herron would 
have been repulsed, or fighting on the defensive, before 
he crossed the Illinois Creek. But Hindman, the poli- 
tician, was apparently afraid to leave the hill, and 
hence lost another opportunity. 

The real soldier and the political soldier do not 
blend. The soldier strikes when the iron is hot; the 
politician hesitates, hides in the brush, and recon- 
noitres for a safe line of retreat. Both armies had an 
oversufficiency of such officers, and as a result many 
a brave soldier lost his life. Hindman was simply one 
of many ; but he was a frightful example. 

After the conference under a flag of truce, whereby 
it was agreed that hostilities should cease until 4 P. 
M., he rode away like a plumed knight returning from 
a victorious field. 

It required no field-glass to see the dark frowns 
of disgust and contempt all over the resolute faces of 
Marmaduke and Shelby, who had opened the battle 
with Herron the previous morning under such favor- 
able auspices. It required no ear-trumpet to hear the 
lightning-like adjectives that flew from one to an- 
other, when those war-scarred veterans were ordered 
by Hindman to sound the assembly, furl their flags, 
fold their tents, muffle their wheels, and steal silently 
away. They would have scorned to violate the obliga- 
tions of an agreement made under a flag of truce. 

But not so with Hindman. With him, anything was 
fair in war. Even treachery and the sacrifice of his 
word and honor, plighted amid the dead bodies of his 
own brave soldiers, which lay scattered over the field. 



86 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Such were the closing scenes of the battle of Prairie 
Grove. When four o'clock came, the time set for the 
battle to be renewed, Hindman and his army were 
only touching the high places as they went splashing 
down Cove Creek Valley and bounding over the Bos- 
ton Mountains, twenty-six miles away. 

After burying the dead and caring for the wounded 
of both armies. General Blunt 's troops returned to 
their camps at Cane Hill and Ehea 's Mills ; and General 
Herron went into camp on the battlefield. 

Hindman fell back fifty miles to the Arkansas River 
and went into winter quarters at Fort Smith and Van 
Buren. Marmaduke, Shelby, and McDonald, with 
their cavalry, moved down the river forty to sixty 
miles, and camped among plantations where forage 
and provisions were plentiful. 

This was thought by many to be the close of the 
campaign, but it was not so. 



CHAPTER Vn 

BAH) ON VAN BUREN 

CAPTURE OF FOUR STEAMBOATS PURSUIT OF REBELS IN 

SOUTHWEST MISSOURI. 

ON the twenty-sixth of December, Blunt and Herron 
moved with eight thousand men, three batteries 
of artillery, and three sections of mountain howitzers, 
on an expedition to Van Buren and Fort Smith, in the 
vicinity of which General Hindman was encamped. 
The first night they camped on Lee's Creek, twenty- 
five miles south of Cane Hill. The next morning the 
command moved at daylight with Colonel Cloud's 
brigade in advance, the Second Kansas Cavalry 
leading. 

At Dripping Springs, on our line of march, fourteen 
miles north of Van Buren, a regiment of Texas cavalry 
was encamped with a forage train of forty wagons. 
On approaching this Rebel camp I was sent forward 
with five companies of the Second to drive in the pick- 
ets and stir up the ' ' bowie-knife ' ' regiment generally. 

The colonel commanding knew of our coming, but 
did not know in wha* force. He was camped west of 
the Van Buren Road, on the south side of what had 
been a corn-field with a low rail-fence around it. He 
had opened alternate panels of the fence near his 
camp, and formed one battalion, mounted in line of 
battle along the fence inside the field. Most of his 
tents had been struck and, with his baggage, etc., 
loaded in wagons which he had started early in the 
morning on a run for Van Buren. The other battalion 
had been sent out in rear of his train and stood in line 
across the road about a half-mile south. 

87 



88 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

"WTieii I came over the hill with my battalion from 
the north, in advance of all our troops, I took in the 
situation at a glance. To the west of the road, on the 
farther side of the field and about five hundred yards 
distant, stood this Texas battalion in line. Without 
halting, I threw my battalion into columns of com- 
panies and thence forward into line, which brought me 
face to face with the Texas battalion in the field, with 
a rail-fence between us. 

The fence was about one hundred yards in my 
front, and without waiting to remove the rails I or- 
dered the battalion to sling carbines and drew pistols. 
Then I ordered the bugler to sound the trot. I was a 
few paces in front of the battalion and when my horse 
reached the fence, we went over without touching. In 
an instant the battalion struck the fence abreast and 
the rails flew in every direction, but the men and horses 
went over without an accident and without halting. 
The line moved straight forward at a steady trot, every 
man with pistol in hand. At the proper time I swung 
around to the rear of the battalion and ordered the 
bugler to sound the charge. When within about forty 
paces our men opened fire, and the Texas battalion 
broke and went back through the panels of the fence 
that had previously been laid down, and retreated in 
disorder to the other battalion a half-mile in the rear. 

Just then Colonel Cloud with the other battalion of 
the Second dashed past on the main road, and reaching 
the Texas battalion in line across the road, broke them 
with a charge which was repeated time and again 
until he began to pass the wagons ; and then it was a 
running cavalry fight over a rough country until Cloud 
had captured thirty-eight of the enemy 's wagons loaded 
with camp and garrison equipage. 

When Cloud passed to the front, Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Bassett came up and took command of my bat- 
talion, and instead of joining Cloud on the main road, 
moved off on a bypath and became entangled in a 
dense forest. This kept us out of the fight from Drip- 



RAID ON VAN BUREN 89 

ping Springs to within a mile of Van Buren. There 
we rejoined Cloud and participated in a skirmish at 
Log Town, which was the last stand made by the Texas 
regiment on that eventful day. When they broke at 
Log Town, the men rushed pell-mell down a cut road 
along the side of a steep hill into the head of Van 
Buren Street, which led straight to the river. That 
was the last we saw of the '' bowie-knife " regiment. 

CAPTURE OF FOUR STEAMBOATS 

Log Town was a village of a dozen shanties, stand- 
ing on a high hill overlooking Van Buren and the 
beautiful Arkansas valley, with Fort Smith dimly seen 
five miles away. Here we captured the last but one 
of their forty wagons; and over in the river, in full 
view, lay four fine steamboats loaded with supplies 
for Hindman's army. 

The enemy having vanished after the Log Town 
skirmish. Colonel Cloud ordered his regiment forward 
down the hill, and then down Van Buren Street, in col- 
umn of companies, at a swift gallop to the river. 
Meantime the ferry-boat, crowded with Confederate 
officers, was in midstream pulling for the south shore, 
and the steamboats were steering downi the river. One 
had got up stream and was a half-mile away, while the 
others were not so far from shore. Colonel Cloud see- 
ing the situation, ordered Stover with his howitzers 
forward at a run and opened on the ferry-boat, stop- 
ping it in midstream; but the Rebel officers and men 
aboard leaped into the river and made good their 
escape. 

While this was going on, I moved my battalion rap- 
idly down the north bank of the river, and throwing 
one company after another into line opposite three of 
the steamers, opened on the pilots and brought them 
in. The other boat by this time was rounding the bend 
a mile and a half southeast of Van Buren, where the 
river turns and runs northward for about a mile. 

At this critical moment Cloud came up with Stover 's 



90 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

howitzers, and having been informed as to the bend in 
the river and the cut-off road, ordered me to bring my 
battalion, and started with Stover's howitzers, under 
whip and spur, across the bend to head off the boat. 
The distance to the north bend in the river from where 
the steamboat then was, and from our starting point, 
was about the same. So it was a sure-enough race. 
Like Hindman's retreat from Prairie Grove, the Sec- 
ond Kansas only touched the high places. Stover's 
horses and howitzers were in the air quite as much as 
on the ground, but we were there in time. When we 
whirled into line facing the river, the boat, under a 
heavy pressure of steam, was about six hundred yards 
away. It was puffing, heaving, and setting as though 
the life of the Confederacy were at stake. 

At the proper distance Colonel Cloud directed Lieu- 
tenant Stover to level one of his guns and send a shot 
across the bow. This was the first intimation the cap- 
tain of the boat had that he was still in durance vile. 
Another shot brought him to, and he rounded his boat 
near to shore and threw out the gangway. Colonel 
Cloud, with a guard of twenty men, went on board, 
took possession of the boat, pulled down the Confed- 
erate flag and steamed up the river to Van Buren. I 
returned overland with my battalion and Stover's 
howitzers, and picked up en route the last of the en- 
emy's forty wagons, which had left Dripping Springs 
that morning. 

In passing through Van Buren in the evening. Gen- 
eral Hindman, across the river, turned a battery on 
my battalion and one of his shells exploded over our 
heads, killing one man and wounding a number of 
horses, my own horse included. The next day Colonel 
Cloud was ordered with his regiment on a reconnoit- 
ring expedition down the river for a distance of 
twenty-five miles, and we did not return until ten 
'clock at night. 

During the day Generals Blunt and Herron had 



RAID ON VAN BUREN 91 

burned the captured steamers to the water's edge and 
started back on the return to Cane Hill and Prairie 
Grove. The Second camped at Van Buren that night 
and left the next morning, bringing up the rear. 
The next night we camped at Dick Oliver's ranch on 
Lee 's Creek, and the next afternoon we reached our old 
camp at Cane Hill. This was the close of the campaign 
of 1862, which, from the day General Blunt left Fort 
Scott, until he returned from Van Buren, was in every- 
way a complete success. 

On the thirty-first of December, Gerieral Schofield, 
having returned from sick-leave, again assumed com- 
mand of the Frontier Army and ordered Blunt 's divi- 
sion to Elm Springs and Herron's two divisions to 
Fayetteville, Arkansas. On the first of January, 1863, 
I was detailed on a General Court-martial which con- 
vened at Fayetteville on January 2, and held sessions 
at Huntsville, Arkansas, Cassville, Flat Rock, and 
Springfield, Missouri. On March 12, 1863, our Court- 
martial was dissolved, and the officers composing the 
same were sent back to their respective regiments. 

The Second Kansas was then at Springfield, and 
Colonel Cloud was commanding the Southwest Dis- 
trict of Missouri. Lieutenant-Colonel Bassett and 
Majors Blair and Fisk were on detached service; so, 
being the ranking officer present, I assumed command 
of the regiment. Having been in winter quarters since 
early in January, the regiment was not in proper con- 
dition for active service. My first effort was to call 
in the men who were absent on furlough or detached 
service, and next, to secure horses for a remount of 
the regiment. These two important matters having 
been accomplished, the Second Kansas Cavalry was 
again ready for the field. 

PURSUIT OF REBELS IN SOUTHWEST MISSOURI 

On the eighteenth of May I received an order from 
Colonel Cloud, commanding the Southwest District of 



92 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Missouri, to be in readiness to move the next morn- 
ing on an expedition against General Stand Watie 
and Colonel Coffey of Confederate fame, who were 
ravaging the country in the vicinity of Neosho and 
Carthage. 

On the morning of the nineteenth, I moved as di- 
rected and reached Dug Springs, twenty-five miles 
distant, in the evening. When within about three miles 
of these springs, I took Dr. Root, Chaplain Wines, and 
one of our scouts, and moved forward to select a suit- 
able place for camping. Having selected the ground on 
which to camp, we all dismounted at one of the springs 
near the road to wait for the command to come up, — 
all except our scout, who, being familiar with that 
part of the country, felt perfectly at ease. In a few 
minutes, however, we saw a party of four men and 
two women in the valley but a short distance from us. 
Being accompanied by women, we naturally took them 
to be Union people going from Cassville to Springfield, 
and thought no more of it. But our scout was not so 
easily satisfied. He rode out within speaking distance 
of them, and getting no satisfaction, called to me, 
'^ Come over! " 

We looked and saw that they were dressed in the 
bushwhacker's garb, and seemed to be heavily armed 
and well mounted. There were four of us; but our 
chaplain and Dr. Root had no guns. We mounted our 
horses and rode directly up to them with pistols in 
hand. I asked the leader of the party who they were 
and where they belonged. Receiving what I regarded 
as an evasive answer, I then said, '* Consider your- 
selves prisoners of war. Dismount and hand your 
guns to that man," pointing to Dr. Root. 

The leader, who had nerve, said, *' No," and reached 
for his pistol. That left me no alternative but to fire, 
which I did, striking a rib on his left side. We then 
both fired the same instant aijd, on account of our 



1 



RAID ON VAN BUREN 93 

fractious horses, both missed. My next shot went 
through his thigh, and his second grazed my cheek. 
He then wheeled his horse and tried to escape, but was 
speedily brought back, badly, but not dangerously, 
wounded. The other three men surrendered, and all 
were sent back to Springfield the next morning as 
prisoners. 

Subsequent to this episode, Colonel Cloud arrived 
with the remainder of his brigade, and during the 
evening informed his officers of the object and purpose 
of the expedition. His plan of campaign was to move 
to Bentonville, Arkansas, and cut off the retreat of the 
Rebels operating around Neosho and Carthage. We 
made a forced march from Dug Springs to Benton- 
ville and thence to Pineville, Missouri, where we 
bivouacked during the night of May 21. 

On the twenty-second we moved to Neosho where 
we struck a body of Stand Watie's men, who formed in 
a valley west of town and made a demonstration as 
though they were spoiling for a fight. Stand Watie 
was there in person, with feathers in his cap, thinking 
that it was Pin Indians he had to fight. While he was 
forming his braves in line. Colonel Cloud pushed for- 
ward a section of Rabb's battery on a low hill within 
easy range of Stand Watie 's position, but hidden from 
view. Then sending a battalion of Missouri cavalry 
around on his left and a battalion of the Second Kan- 
sas to his right, he opened fire with his artillery. That 
took the breath out of the Indians. They did not stand 
on the order of going; they simply fiew down the val- 
ley, past Seneca, and thence onward, right onward, into 
the Spavin Hills. 

I changed front, and was in readiness to give them 
a volley as they passed, but the Missouri troops were 
so close on their heels, that I dared not fire. This was 
the end of Stand Watie in Missouri for many moons. 
From the Spavin Hills, he threw himself under the 



94 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

protecting wings of General Cooper, south of the 
Arkansas. 

From the scene of this ludicrous display, Colonel 
Cloud moved on to Diamond Grove where he separated 
his command by taking most of the cavalry and going 
west in pursuit of Colonel Coffey, who was then en- 
camped on Shoal Creek south of where Joplin now 
stands, and sending me with one battalion and the ar- 
tillery northward in the direction of the Lamar Road. 
The Colonel struck Coffey where he expected, and 
after a running fight of several miles drove him across 
Shoal Creek into the jungle east of Spring River, where 
at that time, the wolves, bushwhackers, and all sorts 
of vermin made themselves at home. After recon- 
noitring the country north of Spring River, I rejoined 
Colonel Cloud at Carthage and accompanied him back 
to Springfield. 

All in all, the expedition was both pleasant and suc- 
cessful. It was very like chasing jack rabbits on the 
plains, and fraught with about as much danger. Of 
all the makeshifts and disreputable, false pretenders 
that ever hung on the flanks of a respectable army. 
Stand Watie and his gang were the worst. As soldiers, 
they were cowards, thieves, and cut-throats. They 
would skulk and hide in the brush when the battle was 
on, and when it was over they would sneak on to the 
field and murder and scalp our wounded. When caught 
out alone, one shot from Stover's howitzers would put 
a thousand of them to flight, and two shells would send 
Stand Watie 's whole brigade back to Boggy Depot. 

And yet such men as Generals Price, Kirby Smith, 
Marmaduke, and Joe Shelby permitted them to prowl 
in their rear and disgrace their troops. Such barbar- 
ians should not have been permitted to camp even 
among the wild tribes of the plains, much less among 
civilized soldiers. But such was their custom and such 
a custom helped to bring disaster to those who tol- 
erated it. 



CHAPTER Vm 

EXPEDITION TO CHOCTAW NATION — CAPTUBE OF FOBT 

SMITH 

BATTLE OF PEEEYVTLLE BATTLE OP THE BACKBONE MOUN- 
TAINS, SEPTEMBER 1, 1863 — OCCUPYING FORT SMITH 
ADIEU TO THE SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY. 

ON the last day of December, 1862, Generals Blunt 
and Herron closed their brilliant campaign of the 
year at Van Buren, on the Arkansas Eiver, in sight of 
Fort Smith. But then they were far from their base 
of supplies, and deemed it advisable to move back to 
Springfield, Fort Scott, and Fort Gibson for winter 
quarters. 

When Blunt and Herron moved back to winter 
quarters, the Confederate forces again moved up and 
occupied Little Rock, Fort Smith, and Fort Davis, on 
the south side of the Arkansas River. General Holmes 
commanded at Little Rock, General Cabell at Fort 
Smith, and General Cooper at Fort Davis, with Stand 
Watie's Indians scattered over the Indian Territory 
in search of something to eat. 

General Blunt was at Fort Scott preparing for a 
summer campaign south of the Arkansas. During the 
winter and early spring, nothing, from a military point 
of view, was doing. But on July 6, General Blunt left 
Fort Scott with a part of the Army of the Frontier 
and arrived at Fort Gibson, July 11. On the sixteenth 
he crossed the Arkansas River, and on the seventeenth 
attacked General Cooper at Honey Springs in the 
Creek country. After a sharp engagement of two 
hours, he routed and drove the Confederate forces from 
the field with heavy losses. A few hours after the bat- 

95 



96 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

tie, and while on the retreat southward, General Cooper 
was reinforced by General Cabell from Fort Smith, 
with a brigade of cavalry and four pieces of artillery ; 
but they did not return to the battlefield. After a 
brief consultation, they moved on to the Canadian 
River to await reinforcements en route from Texas. 

General Blunt camped on the battlefield until the 
next day, when he moved back to Fort Gibson to pre- 
pare for an expedition through the Choctaw Country 
to Fort Smith, Arkansas. On arriving at Fort Gibson, 
he sent orders to Colonel Cloud at Springfield, and 
others of his old division, to join him at that place. 
Cloud's brigade consisted of the Second Kansas Cav- 
alry, the Sixth Missouri Cavalry, the First Arkansas 
Infantry, the Second Indiana battery, and Stover's 
howitzers. When the order was received to join Blunt 
at Fort Gibson, Cloud's brigade was in the field in 
Southwest Missouri and Northwest Arkansas. Con- 
centrating at Fayetteville, we marched by way of Tah- 
lequah and arrived at Gibson on August 21. 

While General Blunt was concentrating his troops at 
Fort Gibson for a forward movement, Generals Cooper 
and Cabell were encamped on the Canadian River. 
After resting a few days. General Cabell took his 
brigade and returned to Fort Smith, leaving Cooper at 
the mercy of the elements and the enemy. However, 
he had not long to wait. General Gano, a fighting of- 
ficer, moved to his relief with a brigade of fighting 
soldiers, and they were more soothing to the nerves 
of the poor old gentleman. He immediately moved his 
war-scarred veterans across the river at Briartown and 
held them in readiness to hit the road for the '' big 
drift " on the lightest intimation that Blunt was com- 
ing. Gano was a gallant soldier. He knew how, and 
was not afraid to fight. But Cooper — well, he had 
missed his calling. Besides, his troops were an uncer- 
tain quantity in action. His comrades and the Confed- 
eracy should look with compassion upon his blunders. 



EXPEDITION TO CHOCTAW NATION 97 

General Blunt 's forces having assembled at Fort 
Gibson, he took about five thousand men, cavalry, ar- 
tillery, and infantry, and moved in pursuit of General 
Cooper. At noon on August 24, he reached Briartown 
on the Canadian River, and found Cooper camped on 
the south side about two miles distant. 

Soon after we arrived. General Blunt 's scouts came 
in and reported a Confederate train of three hundred 
wagons at PerryviUe, forty-five miles away. Within 
an hour after receiving this report General Blunt di- 
rected me to take the Second Kansas Cavalry, a part 
of the Third Wisconsin Cavalry, and a part of the 
Fourteenth Kansas Cavalry, with a section of ar- 
tillery, and swing around Cooper to the west by way 
of North Fork Town and then make a forced march to 
PerryviUe. 

I moved at three o'clock and reached North Fork 
Town at 6 P. M., where I captured and destroyed a 
quantity of Confederate quartermaster's stores and 
artillery ammunition. At dark I crossed the Canadian 
River, knocked Colonel Mcintosh's regiment to pieces, 
and took the road to PerryviUe. At eleven o'clock I 
captured Major Vore — a Confederate paymaster — 
his ambulance, escort of ten men, and forty thousand 
dollars of Confederate money, with which he was going 
up to pay the regiment I had a few hours before sent 
glimmering through the dark forest of the North 
Canadian. 

I told Major Vore, who seemed to be an all round 
clever gentleman, that he might as well go along with 
me, because I had anticipated his coming, and taken the 
precaution to drive Mcintosh's troops into the jungle, 
where omniscience would not find them, nor omnipo- 
tence put them together again. He replied in substance 
that he was pleased to go with me ; and then said that 
he felt it his duty to tell me that I was plunging right 
into the jaws of death. I replied, '* Yes, that suits me. 
But before plunging, I should be pleased to know 



98 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

whether it is the jaws of Cooper or Bankhead." 
'' Neither," he said. '' It is the jaws of Gano, who is 
camped over there at the junction of this and the 
Briartown and Perryville roads." That was informa- 
tion worth having, so I prepared myself accordingly. 

BATTLE OF PERRYVILLE 

At two o'clock on the morning of August 25, I 
drove in General Gano's pickets and soon thereafter 
his grand guard. The night was dark, and the road 
was rough and almost impassable, down a steep hill 
through a heavy body of timber. But we finally over- 
came all obstacles and formed in line on the open 
prairie in front of Gano's camp. I had about a thou- 
sand men in line and two pieces of artillery, but it was 
impossible to estimate the strength of the enemy until 
daylight. 

I had left Cooper south of the Canadian, near Briar- 
town, the previous afternoon, and marched thirty-five 
miles by way of North Fork Town and back to the 
Perryville Road at a point fifteen miles south of Briar- 
town. So I did not know whether Cooper had moved 
and formed a junction with Gano before I reached him. 
When daylight came I knew that Cooper was not there, 
and throwing a battalion back to look after him, should 
he come up in my rear, I moved forward and attacked 
Gano. 

After skirmishing for perhaps an hour with no par- 
ticular advantage to either side, I heard artillery in 
the rear and knew then that Cooper was coming. It 
was quite a mix-up. Gano was in my front, Cooper in 
my rear, and Blunt in Cooper's rear. Had Cooper 
moved forward promptly, he might have crowded my 
line out on one side or the other, because no one can 
very well fight an equal force in front, and at the same 
time a largely superior force in the rear. 

But Cooper did not do this. He pulled off the main 
road with his whole army and passed around on the 



EXPEDITION TO CHOCTAW NATION 99 

open prairie to my left and allowed Blunt to move up 
within supporting distance in my rear. With Cooper 
off my rear I moved forward in earnest and we had a 
running fight to Perryville, where the enemy formed on 
top of the hill at the edge of the village and raked the 
road with artillery, until we flanked them on the right 
and left and drove them from their last position. It 
was after dark when we dislodged them at Perryville 
and then I followed them with the Second Kansas for 
quite a distance on the road to Red River. 

THE BATTLE OF THE BACKBONE MOUNTAINS, SEPTEMBER 1, 

1863 

Resting at Perryville until noon of August 26, 
General Blunt moved with his division on the Fort 
Smith Road and arrived at ScuUeyville on the evening 
of August 31. Here the country was rough, hilly, and 
much broken. General Cabell, commanding at Fort 
Smith, had felled trees, and otherwise obstructed the 
road and the crossing of the Poto River at ScuUeyville. 
On arriving at this crossing Colonel Cloud went for- 
ward with a detachment of the Second Kansas and 
skirmished with the enemy until a late hour at night. 
The next morning the command drove the enemy 
steadily into and through Fort Smith, and south over 
the Backbone Mountains. 

On top of one of the hills, called the Devil's Back- 
bone, fifteen miles south of Fort Smith, General Cabell 
made his last stand. The approach to his line was 
up-grade through timber, in which it was difficult to 
manoeuvre cavalry and artillerj^ But Colonel Cloud 
formed his line of battle at the base of the hill, with 
the Sixth Missouri Cavali^^ under the gallant Colonel 
Catherwood on the right, Rabb 's battery in the centre, 
and the Second Kansas on the left. 

The line moved forward up the hill steadily under 
the enemy's fire, until within close range, and then 
opened with Sharps rifles. At the same time, Rabb, 



100 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

who had planted his battery in the road where the 
timber had been cut away, opened first with shell and 
then with canister at close range. 

The enemy, firing down-grade, overshot both with 
their small arms and artillery. Rabb, in using shell at 
an elevation, made the same mistake; but when he 
changed to canister, there was something doing. 
Eight companies of the Second Kansas were fighting 
on foot, and I had two mounted companies on my left 
flank. A part of Catherwood's regiment was also dis- 
mounted. General Cabell had apparently dismounted 
his whole command and made his men lie down behind 
breastworks, composed of logs, officers' trunks, and 
camp kettles. 

The battle raged for about two hours, with our line 
moving closer and closer toward the enemy, and Rabb 
double-charging his guns a part of the time. Finally 
I discovered that Cabell 's right flank was unprotected, 
and immediately threw forward the two mounted com- 
panies from my left, and with a sudden dash put that 
part of his line out of business. About the same time 
Catherwood's regiment on the enemy's left, and our 
dismounted men in the centre, moved forward with a 
yell and sent Cabell and his men tumbling over each 
other down the hill and back to Dixie. 

But in justice to General Cabell I must say that he 
tried to hold his men, and probably would have suc- 
ceeded, at least for a while, had it not been for Sergt. 
Patrick Murphy, a witty Irishman, in a Texas regi- 
ment. Cabell, in trying to restore confidence, gave the 
command, *' Lie down." Patrick, in the confusion, 
misunderstood him and instantly yelled out at the top 
of his voice: ''And did you hear the Gineral say, 
* Light out' ? " Suiting his action to his words, he 
bounded away like a wild deer, followed by the whole 
command, including the General. 

We doubtless would have had more or less sym- 
pathy for General Cabell, in his pitiable condition that 



EXPEDITION TO CHOCTAW NATION 101 

day, but for the fact that while forming his line of 
battle in the morning, he had dismounted and stationed 
in ambush, behind a fence close to the road on which 
we were approaching, a company of his troops for the 
purpose of assassination. When my advance guard 
of 40 men arrived abreast of his concealed bushwhack- 
ers, they fired a volley at close range, killing the cap- 
tain and four of his men and wounding six others. 
This was a species of warfare to which the Second 
Kansas never condescended. That regiment fought in 
the open and was always there at the beginning and 
the ending, but never once did any soldier of the regi- 
ment sneak around in the brush and shoot an enemy in 
the back. 

OCCUPYING FORT SMITH 

After this battle we moved back to Fort Smith, 
and were the first Federal troops to occupy that city 
since the beginning of the Civil War. Fort Smith then, 
as now, was a beautiful city. The men were mostly 
out hunting, but the women and children were at home. 
They had been shamefully deceived as to the personnel 
of the Federal troops. Many intelligent, educated, re- 
fined ladies looked upon Federal officers and soldiers 
as rough, ignorant, uncouth barbarians, without any 
regard for truth, integrity, or virtue. For the first 
few days of our occupation it was pitiable to see and 
hear of their distress. They were afraid to venture 
out of their houses and afraid to stay at home without 
a guard. 

I camped with the Second Kansas in a lovely grove 
at the south end of the main street. No officer or sol- 
dier was allowed to leave camp without a written pass ; 
and the same was true of other regiments camped in 
and around the city. This was quite different from 
what the people of Fort Smith were accustomed to 
seeing when the Confederate troops were stationed 
among them. 



102 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Gradually all classes, by proper treatment, began to 
see that, after all, the Federal troops were not so bad 
as they had been represented. We were not there to 
make war upon women and children, or to disturb them 
in any way. Our purpose was to suppress the Rebel- 
lion as quickly as possible, and then go home. 

ADIEU TO THE SECOND KANSAS CAVALEY 

At the close of the campaign, on December 31, 1862, 
the line officers of the Second signed a petition to the 
Governor requesting my promotion to the colonelcy of 
that regiment, on the supposition that Colonel Cloud, 
by reason of his splendid military record, would be ap- 
pointed a brigadier-general. But Cloud was not so 
fortunate, so when we returned from this last arduous 
campaign and captured Fort Smith, I was, by authority 
of the Secretary of War, tendered the colonelcy of the 
Eighty-third U. S. Colored Infantry. That regiment 
was then at Fort Smith with every company recruited 
to the maximum, and all the officers appointed and on 
duty, except the colonel. 

I took a few days to consider the proposition, be- 
cause : 

First: It was an infantry regiment, and I pre- 
ferred the cavalry. 

Second: It was a colored regiment, and I pre- 
ferred a white regiment. 

Third: It was a new regiment, with inexperienced 
officers, and that meant months of tedious, hard work, 
drilling and preparing the regiment for field ser- 
vice. 

Fourth: It signified that we must fight under the 
Black Flag, because the Confederate authorities had 
issued instructions to the Confederate army to spare 
the life of no captured white officer of a colored regi- 
ment. Those instructions, however, had no terrors for 
me. They simply meant a game at which two could 
play. But after due consideration I waived all ob- 



EXPEDITION TO CHOCTAW NATION 103 

jections and notified General Blunt that I would ac- 
cept the appointment. 

The next day, September 10, 1863, I bade adieu to 
the dear old Second Kansas, a regiment that never 
faltered on the field of battle. With it I had been in 
many hot places, broken many Rebel lines, and cap- 
tured many prisoners, and quantities of arms and other 
munitions of war. 



CHAPTER IX 

the eighty-third colored infantry 
Camp life at fort smith — orders to move on shreve- 

PORT BATTLE OF PRAIRIE d'aNE, APRIL 11-12, 1864 

DISGRACEFUL RETREAT OF GENERAL STEELE SKIR- 
MISH AT MOSCOW, APRIL 13, 1864. 

ON the first of October, 1863, I was appointed by- 
President Lincoln as Colonel of the Second Kan- 
sas Colored Infantry, afterwards numbered by the 
War Department as the Eighty-third U. S. Colored 
Infantry. On the first of November I left Fort Scott 
with a train of six hundred Government wagons loaded 
with supplies for the army at Fort Smith, Arkansas. 
As an escort for the train, I had the Eighty-third Col- 
ored Infantry and parts of the Third Wisconsin, and 
Fourteenth Kansas Cavalry with two pieces of ar- 
tillery. The train and escort, when strung out on 
the march, covered a space of six miles, over a rough 
road, and a part of the time with Stand Watie's In- 
dians and bands of bushwhackers prowling about the 
woods on both flanks, watching for an opportunity to 
capture or burn the wagons. 

From Spring Eiver south over the Boston Moun- 
tains, skirmishing was the order of the day, and some- 
times fighting on both sides of the road at the same 
time. But on November 15 we reached Fort Smith 
without the loss of a wagon, and on the seventeenth 
I went into winter quarters on the right of the Union 
line. 

The evening we reached Spring River the wind was 
blowing a gale, and the grass in the valley where we 
TDarked the train was high and dry. Among the team- 

104 



EIGHTY-THIRD COLORED INFANTRY 105 

sters were about eighty ex-bushwhackers, who had 
taken the oath of allegiance and been released from 
the guard-house in Fort Scott and employed by the 
quartermaster, under a solemn promise that they would 
be good. 

I had no faith in them from the start, and so noti- 
fied the post-commandant at Fort Scott; but he 
thought otherwise, so I took them on probation. The 
second day out on the road, they began to feel their 
way and show their disposition, by twisting their teams 
around and occasionally breaking or upsetting a wag- 
on, which generally would delay the wagons in the 
rear. Becoming satisfied as to their malicious intent, 
I warned them of their danger; but the leopard does 
not change his spots. Only a few of them profited by 
the advice and warning I gave them. They evidently 
had an understanding among themselves, and were only 
waiting for an opportunity to try to destroy the train. 

That opportunity, as they thought, came the even- 
ing we arrived at Spring River. The train was parked 
in the tall grass, and orders given to each wagon-mas- 
ter to keep a guard over every fire while the men were 
cooking, and then put the fire out. This order was 
obeyed strictly by all, except a bunch of the ex-butter- 
nuts, who, all of a sudden, started three fires at the 
upper end, from which a heavy wind was sweeping over 
the whole camp. 

Knowing the danger of a fire, with or without de- 
sign, I had camped the Eighty-third Infantry near the 
danger joint, with instructions to be on the alert, and 
if a fire should start to lose no time in putting it out. 
When the fires started. Major Gilpatrick, command- 
ing the Eighty-third, was there with five or six hundred 
men, and by the time the flames had begun to leap over 
the nearest wagons, the fire was checked, before any 
serious damage was done. 

Anticipating trouble, I had kept my horse in read- 
iness, and at the first cry of fire I went into the saddle 



106 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

and was there quickly. When I arrived, the soldiers 
were exerting themselves to their utmost; using their 
new overcoats on the flames, while the butternut team- 
sters stood around in bunches, with broad grins on 
their faces. When I came up I told them to take the 
empty sacks near by and help put out the lire which 
was still spreading. Three or four of their leaders 
turned away with sneering remarks, to the effect that 
they didn't hire to fight fire. I replied that they 
would fight something else, and one after another they 
went down, with my old cavalry sword ringing at 
their ears. That settled all ditferences of opinion, and 
in less than a minute, every teamster present, except 
their three leaders, was doing his level best, and all 
worked faithfully until the fire was extinguished. From 
there on to Fort Smith, everything, including the 
slightly disabled gentlemen who ' ' did n 't hire to fight 
fire," worked to a charm. 

CAMP LIFE AT FORT SMITH 

On going into winter quarters at Fort Smith, the 
first thing to be done was to put the camp in order. 
My camp was a mile from the Fort with the Poto River 
on my right. The ground was slightly rolling, but 
level enough for a most beautiful camp, with drill and 
parade grounds convenient, and in every way suitable. 
All in all, we had a model camp, and every facility for 
making a model regiment. 

We all knew just what we were going into. We 
had been told, and we believed, that President Davis 
had issued an order directing his army officers to take 
no prisoners — officers or soldiers — belonging to col- 
ored regiments. We knew of the prejudice that ex- 
isted everywhere against colored troops. We knew 
that the prevailing opinion was that the negro as a 
soldier would not fight. Yet, notwithstanding all this, 
we assumed the risk and the responsibility and set 
about to do our duty. 



EIGHTY-THIRD COLORED INFANTRY 107 

Our camp having been established and put in order, 
I then prescribed a code of iron-clad rules for the good 
of the regiment. I knew that nothing but drill, dis- 
cipline, and more drill, would fit the regiment for the 
field in such condition as to give every officer and 
soldier absolute confidence in the ability of the regi- 
ment to take care of itself under any and all circum- 
stances. When we commenced our daily duty, on the 
twentieth of November, 1863, the regiment had its full 
quota of officers and about nine hundred enlisted men. 

My rules required every officer and soldier to get 
up at reveille and attend roll-call in the morning ; then 
to put their tents in order and be ready for the break- 
fast call. After breakfast, every week day, we had 
company drill in the forenoon, regimental drill in the 
afternoon, dress parade in the evening, and officers' 
school at night. Every Sunday we had inspection in 
the morning and dress parade in the evening. This 
was our daily routine, morning, noon, and night, when 
the weather would permit. 

The line officers were told at the beginning that they 
must make good in drill, discipline, and military ap- 
pearance, or hand in their resignations; that no 
drones, shirks, or incompetents would be tolerated 
after they had been given a reasonable time in which 
to qualify. As a result of these necessary proceedings, 
we soon had a number of vacancies. 

To fill these vacancies I requested the colonels of 
the various white regiments in the Frontier Army to 
select some of the best and most competent of their 
fighting non-commissioned officers and soldiers, who 
were willing to go before a board to be examined for 
promotion, as officers in the Eighty-third. About sixty 
brave, daring young men passed the examination and 
were recommended by the board. From these I made 
a selection of bright young lieutenants, who were from 
time to time appointed and assigned to duty. 

While thus arranging for officers who would stand 



108 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

the test, we at the same time subjected the enlisted 
men to a careful and rigid physical examination, which 
resulted in the discharge of about two hundred men, 
leaving the material for a solid, compact regiment of 
over seven hundred young, athletic soldiers; with a 
full quota of officers who were not afraid of Davis's 
Black Flag. The regiment, as now organized, was 
composed of material out of which a real fighting reg- 
iment could be made.* 

The Black Flag order of the Confederacy was a 
godsend to the colored regiments. Every officer and 
every soldier knew that it meant the bayonet, with no 
quarter, whenever and wherever they met the enemy. 
At least that was the definite understanding among the 
officers and enlisted men of the Eighty-third U. S. ; 
and the regiment was drilled, and disciplined, and in- 
structed accordingly. 

After four months' steady drill and discipline in 
camp at Fort Smith, the Eighty-third could execute 
with precision every moment required of an infantry 
regiment. And in the manual of arms and the bayonet 
exercise, it had no superior in the Seventh Army Corps. 
And more, every officer and soldier in the regiment 
knew what the regiment could do; and that inspired 
all the confidence essential on the field of battle. Wlien 
Spring opened, we were ready for the fray, and for- 
tunately had not long to wait. 

The Confederate forces under Generals Kirby 
Smith, Dick Taylor, Sterling Price, Marmaduke, and 
others, were encamped at Shreveport, Louisiana, and 
at Camden, Arkadelphia, and Washington in South- 
west Arkansas. General Fred. Steele, commanding 
the Seventh Army Corps, was at Little Rock with two 
of his divisions. General Clayton was at Pine Bluffs, 
and General Thayer with the Kansas division at Fort 
Smith. 

*See Appendix for roster of regimental officera 



EIGHTY-THIRD COLORED INFANTRY 109 

ORDERS TO MOVE ON SHREVEPORT 

Early in March, General Banks, with a large army, 
was ordered to move up Red River and take Shreve- 
port. At the same time General Steele was ordered 
to move with his corps on Shreveport from the north 
and cooperate with Banks. The plan of action as sent 
out from Washington was perfect, and if it had been 
promptly and properly executed, it would have been 
a death-blow to the Confederacy west of the Missis- 
sippi. 

Banks concentrated his forces at Alexandria on Red 
River and moved promptly. Steele delayed and par- 
leyed with the authorities at Washington for two weeks, 
and until he was peremptorily ordered to move. On 
the twenty-third of March he left Little Rock with the 
Second and Third divisions of his corps, and on the 
twenty-fourth General Thayer moved with the First 
or Kansas division, expecting to join Steele at Arka- 
delphia. 

The road from Fort Smith to Arkadelphia ran 
through a rough mountainous country, and was three 
days' march farther over the hills than by the more 
level road from Little Rock. So, when Steele arrived 
at Arkadelphia, not finding General Thayer there, he 
pushed on with his two divisions and soon found 
Price's cavalry in his front and on both flanks. Price 
had concentrated his cavalry along the Shreveport 
Road; and if Steele had given Thayer time to reach 
Arkadelphia, he could have pushed forward to Shreve- 
port or formed a junction with Banks, as he preferred. 
With Thayer's division, Steele had about twelve thou- 
sand Western troops ; an army that could have marched 
straight through to the Gulf, under a competent 
general. 

The Confederates in Steele's front were not there 
to risk a battle. They were not in condition to fight, 
as they plainly showed in every skirmish. Their whole 



110 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

game was one of bluff, and they played it for all it was 

worth. If Steele had waited at Arkadelphia for 
Thayer's division and then moved forward with his 
divisions within supporting distance of each other, 
nothing could have stopped him north of Shreveport. 
But he did not do this. Before knowing the where- 
abouts of the Kansas division, he strung out his other 
two divisions, with his cavalry in advance, and moved 
on. 

During the first day out from Arkadelphia, Steele 's 
rear-guard of infantry was attacked by the Confed- 
erate cavalry under Colonel Shelby, and his supply 
train endangered by reason of all his cavalry being in 
advance, and the wide intervals between his brigades. 
Fortunately General Rice, of Iowa, was in the rear 
with his brigade, but while he easily repulsed the Rebel 
cavalry at every point of attack, it kept his infantry on 
the run from one position to another to protect the 
train, which was strung out on tlie march. 

The first attack was made from the brush on Gentry 
Creek, east of Okolona, about noon of April 2, and 
continued off and on until Steele reached and crossed 
the Little Missouri River. On the ninth of April Gen- 
eral Thayer arrived with his division and reported to 
General Steele, who did not seem to know exactly 
*' where he was at." He had been skirmishing with 
the Rebel cavalry for seven days, but at no one time did 
he have one full brigade in action. In every skirmish 
his troops had driven the enemy before them until they 
reached and crossed the Little Missouri River. 

BATTLE OF PRAIRIE d'aNE, APRIL 11-12, 1864 

War is a relic of barbarism and should be remanded 
to the dark ages. A battle is either a tragedy of the 
highest order, or comedy of the lowest degree. Every 
soldier of our Civil War knows what this means, be- 
cause he has witnessed the two extremes. In writing 



EIGHTY-THIRD COLORED INFANTRY 111 

of battles one should not attempt to convert tragedy 
into comedy, nor comedy into tragedy. To do so would 
be as contemptible as cowardice on the field of battle. 

We hear occasionally of the battle of Prairie d' 
Ane and of the wonderful things done on that field. I 
was there with my regiment in line from start to finish. 
Prairie d' Ane was an ideal battle-ground. The ascent 
from the timber on the north was gradual for a mile 
and a half to the centre of the prairie, and thence there 
was a gradual descent for about the same distance to 
the timber on the south. The centre of the field was 
comparatively level, with ample room on both flanks 
for the manoeuvring of cavalry. 

General Steele was camped with his army in the 
timber on the north side of the prairie, and General 
Price's cavalry could be seen riding about on the 
prairie here and there and in the edge of the timber on 
the south side. 

On the eleventh of April General Steele moved for- 
ward, and forming his line of battle in the edge of the 
timber, sent forward General Salomon's division to 
attack the Eebel cavalry on the open prairie. After 
skirmishing and manoeuvring with infantry against 
cavalry on the prairie all afternoon to little purpose, 
General Salomon moved back to the main line at the 
edge of the timber, where the army stood in line of 
battle until midnight, with nothing but Price 's cavalry 
over on the other side of the prairie playing a game of 
bluff. 

The next day General Steele moved forward with 
his whole force and formed a line of battle near the 
centre of the prairie. He had about ten thousand in- 
fantry, two thousand cavalry, and forty pieces of ar- 
tillery in line, splendidly equipped and eager to move 
forward. But he did not move. For six hours we stood 
there in battle array, with nothing but Marmaduke's 
cavalry a mile and a half away, riding about in the 
edge of the timber behind a rail fence, In the comers 



112 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

of which corn-fodder had been set up, showing a line 
of impregnable breastworks. 

Finally, about four o'clock in the afternoon, when 
everybody had become disgusted with Steele's conduct, 
a regiment of cavalry moved forward on the right, and 
General Rice's brigade of infantry advanced on the 
left, and pricked the bubble; when the Rebel cavalry, 
which had held Steele back for a week, scampered off 
down the road, laughing in their sleeves about their 
corn-stalk fortifications. Not once had they appeared 
in force, nor had they shown the slightest intention of 
fighting a battle, from the first skirmish east of Oko- 
lona on the second of April, to the close of the spec- 
tacular performance at Prairie d'Ane. But all this 
was only the beginning of the disgraceful and humiliat- 
ing scenes that followed one another in rapid succes- 
sion from Prairie d 'Ane to Jenkins 's Ferry. 

When it was definitely understood by every intelli- 
gent officer in the corps, except General Steele, that 
Price did not intend to fight but was simply manoeuvr- 
ing to prevent Steele from forming a junction with 
Banks, still he persisted in his vacillating course until 
Banks was defeated. 

DISGEACEFUL KETEEAT OF GENEKAL STEELE 

From the battlefield of Prairie d'Ane, where no- 
body was either killed, wounded, or marked absent 
without leave. General Steele, suddenly becoming panic 
stricken, started his army on a run over a blind road 
through the swamps for Camden, sixty miles east, in- 
stead of moving on south to Red River, where he could 
reach Banks. Night and day that magnificent army 
went splashing through the mud, and wading swamps 
and streams over a horrible road running parallel with 
a good road a few miles to the south. 

General Price, naturally, when he heard that Steele 
was retreating, sent his cavalry in pursuit. They 
moved on the parallel road and had easy going, as 



EIGHTY-THraO COLORED INFANTRY 113 

compared with Steele's forces. General Thayer's 
division brought up the rear of Steele 's army. 

SKIRMISH AT MOSCOW, APRIL 13, 1864 

When near the village of Moscow, Arkansas, a part 
of Price's cavalry under the command of General 
Dockery conceived the idea of attacking General 
Thayer's rear-guard. The enemy made quite a spir- 
ited attack, playing the Rebel yell for all it was worth. 
It so happened that my regiment was well back toward 
the rear, and I was ordered to throw it into line and 
protect the Second Indiana battery, which was already 
in action, shelling the enemy at a distance. I simply 
about-faced, threw the regiment into line, moved for- 
ward in line with Rabb's battery, and stood at ready, 
with six hundred and fifty loaded Enfield rifles. 

Pretty soon we heard the yell, and then we saw 
them coming like a bunch of Comanche Indians. Rabb 
double-shotted his guns with canister, and I held my 
fire until they were within close range and then a sheet 
of lead and canister went into their ranks which took 
the yell out of all, and the breath out of a good many. 
Our rear-guard was not again disturbed, from there 
to Camden. This volley, considering the ordeal through 
which we had passed and were then passing, was given 
with a sort of holy satisfaction. Nor was it the last so 
given, as we shall see by-and-by. 

General Steele's advance reached Camden on the 
morning of April 15, and General Thayer's division 
arrived about 11 P. M. To say that this was a dis- 
graceful retreat gives the reader, and the young men 
of this country who expect to be soldiers, only a vague 
idea of what it really was. A major-general with an 
army of twelve thousand well-trained, veteran soldiers 
who had never flinched on the field of battle, moving 
in support of other troops to an objective point, be- 
coming panic stricken at the sight of a corn-stalk for- 
tification and a few skeleton regiments, turning his 



114 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

back on the enemy without a battle, and retreating for 
sixty miles on a dead run, was a humiliating spectacle, 
nauseating in the extreme. Steele had been ordered to 
Shreveport to cooperate with Banks's army and Ad- 
miral Porter's fleet, then moving up Red River. 

General Banks, in his report on the Red River ex- 
pedition * says, 

On the 4th of March, the day before my command was 
ordered to move, I was informed by General Sherman that 
he had written to General Steele to ** push straight to 
Shreveport. ' ' 

In the same report General Banks further says, 
that on the fifth of March he was informed by General 
Halleck that General Steele would be directed to facili- 
tate his operations toward Shreveport. Again, Gen- 
eral Banks says that on the tenth of March General 
Steele informed him that he ' ' would move with all his 
available force to Washington, Arkansas, and thence 
to Shreveport." This certainly was sufficient to sat- 
isfy Banks that Steele would move on Shreveport and 
hold at least a part of Kirby Smith's army back from 
him. 

General Steele left Little Rock with two divisions 
of his army on the twenty-third of March, and reached 
the Little Missouri River, eight miles from the town of 
Washington, on April 5, an average of about seven 
miles per day. Had he even then pushed straight to 
Shreveport as ordered, he would have held a part of 
Kirby Smith's forces from Banks, who was fighting 
his way up Red River with Shreveport as his objective 
point. 

But Steele did not see it that way. He preferred 
strategy to fighting, and after mancBuvring back and 
forth over the bloodless field of Prairie d'Ane for 
seven days, he finally became desperate, and at the 
risk of life ordered Rice's brigade to storm the com- 

*Eebellion Eecords, Vol. XXXIV, p. 216. 



EIGHTY-THIRD COLORED INFANTRY 115 

stalks and clear the field, which was done in about 
twenty minutes, without the loss of a man. Having 
thus become master of the situation, and considering 
discretion the better part of valor, he flew to the 
swamps under cover of the night, and, as already- 
shown, arrived in Camden right side up with care on 
the fifteenth of April. 

After bluffing Steele off the Shreveport Road and 
starting him back on the run to a place of safety. Price 
concentrated his victorious legions, including a bunch 
of Choctaw Indians, and moving along on a parallel 
road, went into camp a few miles west of Camden. 



CHAPTER X 

BATTLE OP POISON SPEINGS BATTLE OP JENKINS 's 

PEKRY 

BLACK PLAG — STEELE ^S RETREAT, AND PURSUIT BY PRICE 

AND KIRBY SMITH BATTLE OF JENKINS 's PERRY, 

APRIL 30, 1864 DESPERATE FIGHTING OP THE EIGHTY- 
THIRD CAPTURE OF BATTERY CAPTURE AND RELEASE 

OF LIEUT. JOHN O. LOCKHAET, AND HIS REPORT 

CREDIT OP VICTORY DUE GEN, RICE DISPUTE AMONG 

REBEL GENERALS FIGHT NEAR WEBBER 's FALLS, JUNE 

17, 1864 NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR. 

ON the morning of April 17 the second day after his 
arrival in Camden, Steele ordered General 
Thayer to furnish an escort for one hundred and 
ninety-eight forage wagons which he was sending back 
through the enemy's lines twelve miles, for corn. Gen- 
eral Thayer directed Colonel Williams to take com- 
mand of the escort, which consisted of the Seventy- 
ninth Colored Infantry, the Eighteenth Iowa Infantry, 
parts of the Second, Sixth, and Fourteenth Kansas 
Cavalry, two howitzers, and a section of the Second In- 
diana battery; in all about 1200 officers and enlisted 
men. 

Wlien Colonel Williams left Camden with this es- 
cort and 198 empty wagons. General Price was camped 
twelve miles west and three miles south of the road 
along which the corn was stored. Price's cavalry, of 
course, was on the alert, watching the forage train 
from the time it left Camden. After it reached its des- 
tination, and while the wagons were scattered and be- 
ing loaded, and the escort also divided so as to guard 

116 



BATTLE OF POISON SPRINGS 117 

the wagons, Price's cavalry swooped down on them 
and after a sharp engagement of an hour or so, cap- 
tured the train and artillery, and forced the Federals 
to retreat with a loss of one hundred and twenty-two 
killed, ninety-seven wounded, and eighty-one missing. 

BLACK FLAG 

Of these, the colored regiment lost one hundred and 
seventeen officers and men, killed, and sixty-five 
wounded and brought off the field. The white troops, 
infantry, cavalry, and artillery, lost five men killed, 
thirty-two wounded, and seventy-three missing. This 
shows beyond dispute that the wounded colored sol- 
diers were murdered on the field, as directed by the 
President of the Confederacy. This was known as the 
battle of Poison Springs ; and a poisonous dose it was 
for General Steele. 

Emboldened by this easy victory. General Price 
moved his lines closer around Camden, so as to pre- 
vent Steele from foraging in any direction. 

The next evening after the wounded of the Seventy- 
ninth Colored were murdered at Poison Springs, I 
called a council of the officers of the Eighty-third to 
consider the matter and determine as to our future 
treatment of Rebel prisoners. At that council a sol- 
emn agreement was entered into : 

First: That in the future the regiment would take 
no prisoners so long as the Rebels continued to mur- 
der our men. 

Second: That no wounded Confederate should be 
harmed or injured in any way, but left where he fell. 

This agreement was subsequently carried out, as 
far as possible in the heat of battle. 

On the nineteenth of April, two days after the 
Poison Springs disaster, I was ordered to take my reg- 
iment, the Eighty-third Colored, with a detachment of 
cavalry and a section of artillery, and escort a forage 
train to a plantation about seven miles south of Cam- 



118 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

den, where a large amount of corn was stored. While 
the wagons were being loaded the Rebel cavalry drove 
in my pickets and, giving the usual screech, started at 
full speed in pursuit. I had two pieces of artillery and 
three hundred Enfield rifles bearing directly on the 
road on which they were coming; and as soon as our 
pickets had passed, the artillery opened and, before 
the Rebels could check their horses, I gave them a vol- 
ley of musketry which brought what was left up on a 
round turn, and sent them back faster than they came. 
We left their wounded in the road where they fell ; and 
when our wagons were loaded, we returned to Cam- 
den without further interruption or loss. 

On the twenty-second of April, General Steele 
started Colonel Drake, of the Thirty-sixth Iowa, to 
Pine Bluff for supplies, with a train of two hundred 
wagons and an escort of about a thousand men and 
four pieces of artillery. On the morning of the twenty- 
fifth Drake was attacked at Marks Mill by General 
Fagan; the train and artillery were captured, and 
about half the escort killed, wounded, or missing. And 
this, too, when it was known that Price had been rein- 
forced by Kirby Smith with eight thousand troops. 

Steele's eetkeat, and pursuit by peice and kirby smith 

On the evening of April 26 General Steele, with his 
corps, crossed the Washita at Camden and started back 
to Little Rock. The next morning Generals Price and 
Kirby Smith, with their combined forces, crossed the 
river and started in hot pursuit. About two o'clock 
on the afternoon of April 29 it began to rain ; and about 
the same time Price's advance attacked General Sal- 
omon's division in the rear. All the remainder of the 
afternoon the skirmishing was give-and-take as both 
armies moved along. 

About 3 P. M. Steele's advance reached the Saline 
River and laid a pontoon bridge across at Jenkins's 
Ferry. The rainfall kept steadily increasing until it 
became a downpour, which continued until about mid- 



BATTLE OF POISON SPRINGS 119 

night. Meantime all Steele's troops, transportation, 
and artillery, crossed the river except the brigade of 
General Rice, the Twelfth Kansas, under Colonel 
Hayes, and my regiment, the Eighty-third. There were 
also left on the south side overnight a few pieces of ar- 
tillery and a number of wagons mired in the mud. 

General Thayer's Frontier division reached the 
bridge about 5 P. M., and as soon as the road was open, 
crossed over to the north side, leaving Colonel Hayes 
and myself with our regiments on the south side to 
guard the bridge. General Rice, with his brigade of 
Salomon's division, was still skirmishing in the rear. 
At dark the skirmishing ceased, and Rice moved his 
troops up to within a mile and a half of the bridge and 
bivouacked for the night. 

The next morning, April 30, 1864, Colonel Hayes 
and myself received orders to cross the river at day- 
light. Before a shot in the rear had been fired that 
morning, I moved up to where Colonel Hayes had 
halted in the road, near the bridge, and was waiting 
for his men to empty their wet guns, which had been 
kept loaded during the previous night. While thus 
waiting. Colonel Hayes rode back to where I was sit- 
ting on my horse at the head of my regiment, and said 
he would move on in a few minutes. Just as he spoke 
these words we heard a few shots at the rear. 

BATTLE OF JENKINS 's FERRY, APRIL 30, 1864 

General Rice, whose brigade had been skirmishing 
with Price's advance until dark the previous evening, 
was still in our rear; and when the first shots were 
fired, I told Colonel Hayes that Rice was fighting. He 
thought not, and said the men were probably unloading 
their wet guns, as he was doing. In less than a minute 
there came a volley apparently from a company of skir- 
mishers, and then it was evident that the battle had be- 
gun. I said to Hayes, ** I am going back," and asked 
him to go also. He said no, he would wait for orders. 

I rode down the line to about the centre of the regi- 



120 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ment and gave the command, " About facel " The 
regiment, in four ranks, was standing in a muddy road, 
and it was about a mile and a half to Rice's line of 
battle. I moved through the mud at a quickstep, and 
where the road would permit, at a double-quick. About 
half-way back the road ran parallel with an old rail 
fence, partly up and partly down. I moved along in- 
side the fence, which was at the north end of a small 
field ; and when about midway I halted and ordered the 
men to throw their overcoats and haversacks in the 
fence comers. Then I moved at the double-quick and 
pretty soon began to pass the wounded coming to the 
rear. By this time the musketry was rolling, and the 
enemy was making a desperate effort to turn the right 
flank of Rice's brigade, so as to sweep down the road 
and capture the bridge before reinforcements could 
arrive. 

General Rice's headquarters were about two hun- 
dred yards to the left of the road and three hundred 
yards in rear of his line of battle. Leaving my regi- 
ment moving to the front on the road, I galloped over 
to where the General and his staff were sitting on their 
horses, and asked where I should take position. He 
looked at the regiment as it was then passing at a 
quickstep, and asked, '' "What regiment have you? " 

I replied, *' The Eighty-third Colored." 

His next question was, " Do you think you can take 
them in? "as much as to say, '' Will they fight? " 

I had never met General Rice before^ and his last 
question nettled me just a little bit. I replied, '' Yes, 
General, I can take that regiment where any live regi- 
ment will go." 

He smiled and said, * ' Move over there on the right, 
and relieve the Fiftieth Indiana, which is short of 
ammunition. ' ' 

I moved, and without halting threw the regiment 
into column of companies, and forward into line in 
rear of the Fiftieth, so as to let that regiment pass to 



BATTLE OP POISON SPRINGS 121 

the rear. I then moved forward and formed, with my 
right resting on Toxie Creek and my left protected by 
a swamp, covered with a thicket of scrub trees and un- 
derbrush. My line crossed the only road leading to the 
bridge, and the Rebels were trying to reach that point, 
the position of which was the key to the situation. 

DESPERATE FIGHTING OF THE EIGHTY-THIRD 

The Fiftieth Indiana under Colonel Wells, sup- 
ported by the rest of Rice 's brigade, had held the posi- 
tion until their ammunition was about exhausted. At 
8 :30 in the morning I relieved that regiment and swung 
into line, with six hundred and sixty Enfield rifles in 
the hands of soldiers who knew how to handle them. 
My regiment was well-drilled in every way, but in the 
manual of arms, bayonet exercise, and accurate shoot- 
ing, it had no superior in the Seventh Army Corps. 
So when we levelled six hundred and sixty rifles at the 
enemy at close range, and deliberately shot to kill, 
somebody got hurt. The first line of the enemy broke 
and fled the field before we had fairly begun our day 's 
work. 

As heretofore indicated, we were there for business 
and on the alert every moment for an opportunity to 
convince President Davis and his subordinates that his 
'* Black Flag" order was a dangerous weapon — a 
two-edged sword that could be made to cut both ways. 

This first line having retreated in disorder, if not 
in disgrace, I sent two companies across Toxie Creek 
to help to dislodge the enemy on my right. While the 
fighting north of this creek was raging with great fury, 
General Churchill moved up with his division of infan- 
try and formed in my front on the ground from which 
Greene's brigade had just been driven. His division, 
like that of General Parsons, having just returned from 
the Red River expedition to Camden, and thence by 
forced marches to the battlefield, was reduced to a 
skeleton, as could readily be seen. At the beginning 



122 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

I had six hundred and sixty men in line, and no one of 
Churchill's brigades exceeded that number, as shown 
by their reports, but they were veterans ; and Church- 
ill and Parsons were real generals. 

In forming his line, Churchill threw one of his best 
brigades, commanded by General J. C. Tappan, in my 
immediate front, and another, under General Dockery, 
in front of the detachment of our troops across the 
creek on my right, while his other two brigdaes, com- 
manded by General Hawthorn and Colonel Gause, were 
held back as a reserve. 

Up to this time I had lost but a few men and the 
regiment stood like a stone wall with guns at ready, 
and eagerly waiting for the word to fire. Steadily 
Tappan 's line moved forward until within about a hun- 
dred and fifty steps of my line, when I gave the order, 
' ' Ready, aim, fire ! ' ' Instantly six hundred and sixty 
balls went crashing through Tappan 's line and brought 
it to a standstill. Then I gave the order to load and 
fire at will, and Tappan did the same. At once it be- 
came a question of skill in the handling of guns, and 
power of endurance on the part of officers and men. 
The line officers stood behind their companies, direct- 
ing the men to level their guns accurately. I rode up 
and down the line directing them to '' aim low, and 
give them hell." 

For an hour or so the battle raged with terrific 
fury, but not a man in my line wavered or lost a mo- 
ment's time, except those who were killed or wounded. 
Finally Tappan 's line broke and retreated in disorder. 
Immediately Hawthorn's brigade moved to the front, 
and the fighting went merrily on. Hawthorn formed 
about twenty paces in the rear of where Tappan 's line 
stood, and that gave us a decided advantage, because 
our guns were of longer range than those of the enemy. 
Besides, having already broken and driven two lines 
from the field, we could see no reason why we should 
not dislodge another. New brooms sweep clean, and 



BATTLE OP POISON SPRINGS 123 

for a while Hawthorn's fresh troops made it hot for us. 
But they could not withstand the steady aim of our 
men, and in less than forty minutes they broke and fell 
back beyond our range. 

Meantime General Dockery had been reinforced by 
Colonel Gause's brigade, and they were pressing our 
troops on the north side of the creek. My right rested 
on the south bank of the creek, and Dockery and Gause 
had pressed our troops back until they (the Rebels) 
were almost on a line with my regiment. Seeing the 
situation, I changed front with five companies from 
the left of the regiment, and throwing them forward in 
line on the south bank of the creek, opened fire on 
Dockery 's flank at close range and helped to send them 
on a run to the rear. 

Not willing to abandon his forlorn hope of captur- 
ing the bridge. General Price resolved to make one 
more desperate effort to break our line on the right, 
and to that end he ordered General Parsons to rally 
his division and make the effort. Anticipating this last 
desperate attempt on the right by General Price, Gen- 
eral Rice brought up his reserve force and stationed 
parts of the Twenty-ninth Iowa and Forty-third Illi- 
nois regiments on the right, north of the creek, and the 
Ninth Wisconsin and a part of the Twenty-ninth Iowa 
on my left, with my regiment on the same bloody 
ground it had held all morning. 

CAPTURE OF BATTERY 

A Rebel battery was stationed in front of my regi- 
ment, supported by a line of infantry extending from 
Toxie Creek to my extreme left. Three of the Rebel 
guns were in front of my centre and three farther to 
the left. They opened with canister and were doing 
considerable damage, when I sent the Adjutant back 
to General Rice's headquarters to say to him that a 
Rebel battery was in my front using canister, and I 
would either have to take it by a bayonet charge or 



124 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

fall back. Within five minutes the Adjutant returned 
saying that General Rice said, " You can charge the 
battery as soon as you hear cheering on the left." 
While the Adjutant was reporting I heard cheering on 
the left and instantly ordered the regiment to cease fir- 
ing and fix bayonets. This done, I ordered the regi- 
ment forward at the quickstep, and to load and fire as 
they advanced. 

Until the charge was ordered the regiment had been 
exchanging volleys with the Rebel infantry, but when 
we were fairly out in open field, and perhaps a third 
of the way arross, I levelled one volley at the battery, 
which brought down horses enough to hold three of the 
guns and sent the other three flying from the field. The 
next volley was directed toward the Rebel line of in- 
fantry, which we were rapidly approaching with the 
bayonet. 

When we passed the battery, still at the quickstep, 
there were no artillerymen left standing, and thirty- 
odd artillery horses were piled up on top of each other, 
which showed the death-dealing effect of our rifles. In 
passing the battery, the bayonet was freely used, and 
that seemed to terrorize the Rebel line of infantry, 
which we would have reached with our bayonets in less 
than two minutes, had they stood their ground. To say 
that they ran would not convey a definite idea of how 
they left that part of the field. They simply flew, and 
it was not from a lack of courage, either. It was on 
account of a guilty conscience. They remembered 
Poison Springs — and so did we. After the Poison 
Springs massacre we resolved to take no prisoners. 
And yet, there lay scores of the Rebel wounded all 
around us ; but we left them as they were, to be cared 
for by their comrades. 

After shivering the Rebel left into fragments and 
sending two of Price's divisions — Churchill's and 
Parsons ' — to the rear, I directed one of my captains 
to take his company and run the captured guns to our 



BATTLE OF POISON SPRINGS 125 

rear by hand. Then I moved the regiment back to the 
position from which I had made the charge. The field 
over which the captured guns were being brought by 
the men was muddy, and the guns were heavy to draw. 
A lieutenant of the Twenty-ninth Iowa having come 
on to the field with a squad of men after the battery 
had been captured, came to me and asked permission 
for his men to help to run the guns back, a request 
which I readily granted. In consequence of this, Col- 
onel Benton, of that regiment, claimed credit for hav- 
ing captured the battery. 

When I ordered the charge, I had only about five 
or six rounds of ammunition left to each man, but I 
had no time to wait for a new supply. When I returned 
from the charge I had an average of about one round 
to the man. I immediately notified General Eice of 
this fact, and he sent a staff officer to bring up an am- 
munition wagon. 

CAPTURE AND RELEASE OF LIEUTENANT JOHN O. LOCKHART, 
AND HIS REPORT 

While waiting for the ammunition, the fighting on 
our part of the line being over, one of my lieutenants, 
who was back on the field looking after our wounded, 
picked up a lieutenant of the captured battery — John 
O. Lockhart — who had been slightly wounded, and 
brought him to me, saying, " Here, Colonel, is an of- 
ficer of that battery, and I don 't know what to do with 
him." The prisoner had a sad, serious, woe-begone 
expression on his face, and looked as though he ex- 
pected to be killed. In fact, my lieutenant who brought 
him to me had told him that since their troops mur- 
dered our wounded at Poison Springs, we took no 
prisoners. 

I was otherwise engaged for the moment. My fa- 
vorite saddle-horse had been seriously wounded in the 
charge and I was trying to help the veterinary to stop 
the effusion of blood. As soon as this was attended to, 



126 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

I turned to the prisoner, who stood near me expecting 
the worst, and said in a gentle sort of way, " Lieu- 
tenant, you seem to be in bad luck to-day. ' ' 

He made an effort to reply, but could not articulate 
distinctly. Soon, however, he regained self-control and 
said, " Yes, we have been unfortunate to-day, and 
here I am a prisoner of war. ' ' 

'* No," I said, '* you are not a prisoner of war. 
We do not take prisoners. Your President has placed 
his army under the * Black Flag, ' in so far as our col- 
ored troops and their officers are concerned, and Gen- 
eral Price's troops carried out that order to the let- 
ter over there at Poison Springs the other day. It was 
carried out at Fort Pillow with equal severity. It was 
carried out by General Forrest near Memphis, and has 
been indulged in with fiendish delight in other places. 
But we are not going to kill you. We are not going to 
harm you, because you have been brought to me, 
wounded and without arms. Nor am I going to retain 
you as a prisoner. I think I can use you to a better 
purpose." 

Then I said to him : * * You see that regiment stand- 
ing there at a parade rest. That is the Eighty-third 
U. S. Colored Infantry. My name is Crawford, and I 
am Colonel of the regiment. You see and know what 
the regiment has done here to-day. You know what 
became of your battery and the fate of the brave boys 
who stood by their guns till the last. You know what 
befell the troops in our front. You know how your 
wounds shielded you and many other Confederate of- 
ficers and soldiers from an irresistible wall of advanc- 
ing bayonets, and you know who did it. Now I am 
going to send you back through the lines, not as a 
prisoner of war, but as a messenger of peace. I want 
you to tell General Price, General Churchill, General 
Parsons, General Hawthorn, General Clark, General 
Dockery, Colonels Gause and Burns what regiment it 
was that held the pass south of Toxie Creek, from 8 :30 



BATTLE OF POISON SPRINGS 127 

in the morning until their lines were broken and their 
artillery captured at half-past twelve. Tell them fur- 
ther that I accept their new flag with all that its colors 
imply ; and from this day forward, so long as they bear 
it aloft, by their action on the battlefield, I shall sim- 
ply tell the men to remember Poison Springs.^ ^ 

With this message I sent Lieutenant John 0. Lock- 
hart back through the lines within thirty minutes after 
he was brought to me. Whether he delivered it, I know 
not, but judging from what he subsequently said, I am 
inclined to think he forgot it entirely. The following 
was his official report* : 

Headquarters Rupfner's Battery, 

Camp Harris, Ark., May 9, 1864. 
Captain : 

I have the honor to submit to you the following report 
of the part taken by one section of Ruffner's battery under 
my command in the engagement with the enemy at Jenkins' 
Ferry on April 30, 1864: As the brigade was advancing 
upon the enemy the battery, which was in its rear, was 
detained by meeting Captain Lesueur's battery, which was 
coming off the field. While in this position we received an 
order to follow Captain Lesueur's battery; and while in the 
act of executing that order, we received another for a lieu- 
tenant to proceed with one section to the scene of action. 
These delays threw the section some distance in the rear, and 
upon following the road upon which I last saw the brigade 
advancing I saw smoke from a line in front, and supposing 
it to be our own line, sought to reach it. A terrific fire from 
three regiments of Federal infantry told me that we had 
advanced upon the enemy. The guns were immediately pre- 
pared for action by the men, who behaved with much gallan- 
try ; but as the line of the enemy was so extensive he advanced 
with little difficulty, capturing the guns, myself, and eight 
others, three of whom were killed by negroes after they had 
surrendered. After the capture I was taken across the Saline 
River to the Federal hospital, from which I made my escape 
on May 2nd. There were thirty-two men in the action, and 

•Rebellion Eecords, Series 1, Part 1, Vol. XXXI V, pp. 812-813. 



128 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

the loss is as follows: Killed, four; wounded, six; captured, 
six; missing, one. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

JnO. 0. LOCKHART, 

Lieut. Ruffner's Battery. 

In this report, as will be observed, Lieutenant Lock- 
hart says he advanced with one section and went into 
battery under a terrific fire from three regiments of 
infantry ; that the enemy advanced with little difficulty 
capturing the guns, himself, and eight others ; that 
after the capture he was taken across the Saline to the 
Federal hospital from which he escaped on May sec- 
ond ; that he had thirty-two men in action and lost four 
killed, six wounded, six captured, and one missing. 
Now, as a matter of fact, he advanced with three pieces 
of artillery under a long-range fire from the left wing 
of my regiment, which had just driven Lesueur, with 
his three guns, from the field, while my right wing was 
engaging the enemy across Toxie Creek. While he 
was getting his guns in position the brigade was form- 
ing a line in his rear. Having succeeded in driving 
Lesueur, with his three guns, from the field, on my left, 
and helping to repulse the enemy across the creek, I 
immediately re-formed my line, fixed bayonets, and 
charged Lockhart's guns and the brigade supporting 
them in the rear. 

Again, in one sentence he says he and eight others 
were captured; and in another he says he lost four 
killed, six wounded, and six captured. Just how he 
reconciles these conflicting statements I am not able to 
say; but one thing is certain, and that is that the 
Eighty-third Regiment took no prisoners on that field. 
His escape from the Federal hospital north of the river 
must have been romantic, if not miraculous. In the 
first place, we had no hospital north of the river ; and 
in the next, we were twenty-five miles from the Saline 
Eiver on the second of May. But the poor fellow had 
to make some sort of a report ; and the one he made, no 
doubt, answered the purpose. Certainly it was no 



I 



BATTLE OP POISON SPRINGS 129 

worse than the reports of some of the Confederate 
Generals, who claimed that they won the battle and 
drove the Union forces from the field. 

After we smashed Churchill's and Parsons 's divis- 
ions on our right and sent them staggering to the rear, 
I was ordered to the left centre, where the battle was 
still raging. Stopping a few minutes to distribute a 
new supply of ammunition, I then moved on the double- 
quick and throwing my regiment forward into line 
opened fire with a steadiness of purpose that soon be- 
gan to tell on the enemy. In front of our left and cen- 
tre was Walker's division of Texas infantry which 
came on to the field as Price's troops were retiring. 
On account of the formation of the ground our left 
wing was not aligned accurately. Some regiments 
were in advance of others, and the enemy's were in the 
same condition. After firing a few volleys I advanced 
my line about twenty paces, which gave me a good posi- 
tion, and then it was a question of nerve and accurate 
shooting. 

In my front was a Texas brigade (Waul's, I think), 
and for a while they stood like Spartans and fought 
like demons. I had the best guns, and my men were 
better drilled in the manual of arms. Besides, we had 
just come from the right where we had swept every- 
thing before us, which had inspired the men with con- 
fidence. Our extreme left had been slightly pressed 
back early in the day, but it soon moved forward and 
was now holding its position easily. My regiment was 
advancing two steps at each volley, and the Twenty- 
seventh Wisconsin and Thirty-third Iowa on my right 
were doing the same. The front rank would fire ; and 
while they were reloading, the rear rank would step 
to the front and fire ; and thus they advanced steadily 
until the enemy began to weaken. Evidently what 
they feared most was another bayonet charge, and that 
was exactly what I was preparing to make, when their 
line broke and retreated in disorder. 

General Price's infantry, under Generals Parsons 



130 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

and Churchill, had already left the field, and General 
Kirbj^ Smith, with Walker's division of Texas and 
Louisiana infantry, was in our front, when they broke 
and followed Price, leaving General Marmaduke with 
a part of his cavalry to cover their retreat. 

This was the ending of the battle of Jenkins's 
Ferry, on April 30, 1864. The troops engaged on the 
Federal side were only a part of the infantry of the 
divisions of Generals Salomon and Thayer ; about four 
thousand five hundred men all told; no cavalry; no 
artillery. On the Confederate side, Generals Price and 
Kirby Smith had the divisions of Churchill, Parsons, 
Walker, and Marmaduke; apparently about eight 
thousand men, consisting of infantry, cavalry, and 
artillery. 

Thus, as will be observed, about one-third of Gen- 
eral Steele's army of twelve thous-and men — which 
retreated before Price's cavalry from Prairie d' Ane 
to Camden, and before Price and Kirby Smith from 
Camden to the Saline Eiver — stopped, fought, and 
defeated the combined armies of these magic generals, 
whose very names seemed to be a holy terror to General 
Steele. 

CREDIT OF VICTORY DUE GENERAL RICE 

To General Samuel A. Rice, of Iowa, commanding 
a brigade of Salomon's division, more than to any 
other officer of the Seventh Army Corps, is due the 
credit of the victory at the battle of Jenkins's Ferry. 
He and his staff of gallant young officers selected the 
battleground, opened the battle, and held their position 
against terrific onslaughts until reinforcements ar- 
rived. I was the first to reach him, and I did not arrive 
one minute too soon ; for one of his regiments, the Fif- 
tieth Indiana, which blocked the road to the bridge — 
the key to the situation — was short of ammunition 
and could not have held the position many minutes 
longer. I relieved this gallant regiment, and have al- 
ready described the thrilling events that followed. 



BATTLE OF POISON SPRINGS 131 

Of the officers and enlisted men killed and wounded 
on each side in this bloody affair, I must refer the 
reader to the Rebellion Records. My regiment lost in 
killed and wounded eighty-one men and officers, be- 
sides about forty slightly wounded who did not leave 
the line and hence were not reported. When charging 
the Rebel battery, three sergeants, bearing the regi- 
mental flag, fell, and a fourth carried it in triumph 
from the field. In the same charge the horses of the 
regimental officers — field and staff — all went down. 
But we took the battery, broke the line of support, and 
left many of the enemy dead and wounded on that part 
of the field. 

The battle closed about two o'clock in the after- 
noon ; and from our left centre, where I then stood, not 
one of the enemy could be seen on his feet or on horse- 
back in any direction. They had left the field in con- 
fusion, and retreated beyond the hills in their rear; 
while our line from right to left stood firm as the '' Pil- 
lars of Hercules. ' ' General Rice having been wounded, 
and our troops being short of rations, we did not pur- 
sue the enemy. 

After we had rested quietly on our arms for quite 
a while, one of General Salomon's staff officers came 
dashing down the line like a whole herd of mad ele- 
phants (the first time I had seen him on the field that 
day), and told me in broken English that his army 
would remain in line of battle for just thirty minutes, 
and then if the '' damn Rebels " did not return and re- 
new the fighting, his troops would cross the river. He 
said further, that I was to remain on the field with 
my regiment and bring up the rear. I told him that it 
seemed to me as though we ought to go the other way ; 
that we had won a complete victory and should take 
advantage of it. But he thought differently, and 
dashed away to execute his orders. 

At the time designated the several regiments coun- 
termarched and headed for the bridge. I moved back 



132 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

a short distance, halted, and sent men all along where 
our lines had stood to pick up such of our wounded as 
might have been overlooked. When this special work 
was completed, which consumed at least two hours, and 
all the other regiments had left the Held, I recalled the 
detachments and moved on toward the bridge. I was 
in the rear of all our troops, ambulances, and wounded, 
who were able to walk, but moving slowly. When I 
reached the field where the men had left their over- 
coats and haversacks early in the morning, I halted 
and gave time to get them. 

While we waited for the men, another staff officer 
from Steele's headquarters came splashing back 
through the mud with his eyes a-glare and nostrils dis- 
tended (having snuffed the battle from afar), and 
wanted to know why ' ' in hell ' ' I did n 't hurry up. He 
further said: '' If you keep fooling along this way. 
Price and Kirby Smith will hop on to you in less than 
fifteen minutes with fifteen thousand men, and we shall 
lose our pontoon bridge." 

I said, '' Yes, that is exactly what I want. They 
hopped on me this morning, but they didn't get the 
bridge. If they come along now, I think I shall turn 
it over to them and stop this disgraceful retreat." 

Giving me up as lost, he leaped his horse over a rail 
fence near-by and flew for that immortal rubber bridge. 
Having recovered our traps, I moved slowly on down 
to the bridge, arriving there just in time to cross be- 
fore dark. 

Some of the Confederate officers in their reports of 
this battle declare that they came on to the field early 
in the afternoon and drove our troops across the river. 
That is not true. I did not leave the field until about 
4 P. M., and then I lingered along from there to the 
bridge — about two miles — hoping and expecting that 
the Confederate cavalry would follow. But they did 
not do so. 

On arriving at the river I received an order from 



BATTLE OF POISON SPRINGS 133 

General Thayer to destroy the bridge. Leaving two 
companies on the west side and sending two mounted 
scouts back on the road as a picket, I crossed over on 
the bridge with the remainder of the regiment and 
commenced the destruction of the bridge under torch- 
light. At the proper time I called in the scouts, 
brought over the other two companies, and remained 
there until the bridge was destroyed and sunk. One of 
the scouts whom I sent back fired one shot at an imag- 
inary object, which took me back over the river and put 
the two companies on that side in line. But the alarm 
being false, I soon returned. If there was another shot 
fired on that side of the river after the battle closed, 
I did not hear it, and I certainly was there all the time 
until dark. 

I am thus particular in stating these facts, because 
General Price and some of his officers in their reports 
(as published in the Rebellion Records) did not tell 
the truth. Certainly they have enough material on 
which to base accurate and flaming reports of events, 
incidents, and spectacular displays, from Prairie d* 
Ane to Camden, without trying to claim credit where 
credit is not due. Generals Price and Kirby Smith and 
their armies were defeated in a fair, square, open field 
fight at Jenkins's Ferry, and every Confederate officer 
and soldier in that battle knows the fact. And it was 
their own fault, for, with the troops Kirby Smith 
brought over from Red River, they had almost twice 
as many men on the field as we had. Again, they did 
not seem to have any definite plan of action or coopera- 
tion among their troops. 

If they had a continuous line of battle from the be- 
ginning to the close of that fight, I failed to see it. As 
far as I could observe, and I had a good eye and an ac- 
curate field-glass. General Price would send in one 
small brigade, and when that was knocked out, he 
would send another, and so on. At least that is what 
was done in my front, except when Churchill 's division 



134 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

was pushed forward; and even his flank was left un- 
protected. But it is not for me to question the skill or 
criticise the action of officers on the other side, even 
from a military standpoint; because, 

** One can't sometimes most always tell, 
How Blucher came and Napoleon fell." 

From Jenkins's Ferry the army moved leisurely 
to Little Rock, arriving there on the fourth of May. 
All things considered, the expedition was disastrous; 
not from any fault of the troops, but for want of a 
competent commander. In this we were exceedingly 
unfortunate. We had a splendidly equipped army of 
about twelve thousand well-trained veteran soldiers. 
We had two division commanders and many brigade 
commanders, some of whom were of the very best, but 
the Major-General commanding was a gigantic failure. 
Had General Thayer, General Carr, General Rice, Col- 
onel Cloud or any one of a dozen officers in the corps 
been in command, he would have been thundering at 
the gates of Shreveport before a gun had been levelled 
at General Banks's army. 

But enough, perhaps, has been said of this disas- 
trous expedition to impress upon the minds of young 
officers in our army the importance of, first, knowing 
themselves ; and second, qualifying themselves to meet 
and overcome any and every obstacle in their pathway, 
real or imaginary. After remaining at Little Rock a 
few days. General Thayer's division crossed the Ar- 
kansas River, and marching back to Fort Smith, went 
into camp to reflect on the art of war in Arkansas, 

At Fort Smith we found things about the same as 
they were when we started on the Red River expedi- 
tion. Major T. J. Anderson, Adjutant-General of the 
district — and, by the way, the most efficient Adjutant- 
General in the Department — had his district well in 
hand and everything running smoothly from a military 
standpoint. In fact during the absence of the Frontier 
division, he had suppressed the Rebellion in Northwest 



BATTLE OP POISON SPRINGS 135 

Arkansas by mustering the male population into the 
Union Army, and administering the oath of allegiance 
to the women and children. At least, our reception on 
returning from the swamps of Red River indicated as 
much. For a while peace reigned in Arkansas. 

DISPUTE AMONG REBEL GENERALS 

General Price went back to Camden to divide the 
spoils and settle a dispute with Kirb^ Smith. It seems 
they fell out on the field at Jenkins 's I'erry, and quar- 
relled — each censuring the other for interfering, 
changing, and countermanding his orders. General 
Smith thought that Price should have turned the Fed- 
eral right and forced his way to the bridge, and Gen- 
eral Price contended that he should have been rein- 
forced by the Texas troops before he was driven from 
the field. Then again, the question of jealousy cut 
quite a figure, until they broke up in a row, when Lieu- 
tenant-General Kirby Smith took Walker's division 
and a part of Price's infantry and returned to Shreve- 
port, leaving Major-General Price to shift for himself. 

General Price remained at Camden with his infan- 
try and a part of his cavalry stationed at different 
places in Southwest Arkansas and the Indian Terri- 
tory. General Shelby soon started north to work his 
way with cavalry and artillery back to Missouri ; Gen- 
erals Marmaduke and Cabell were rounding up de- 
serters; General Cooper was moulding bullets and 
violating the prohibition law over at Caddo Gap; and 
General Stand Watie was up on the Spavin making 
war-bonnets, and grinding scalping knives for his 
Indians. 

While all these military equations and unknown 
quantities were being worked out by Price and his 
Generals, General Steele was sleeping on post at Little 
Rock; and the Seventh Army Corps was scattered up 
and down the Arkansas Valley from Fort Gibson to 
PVA(- Bluff. 

Early in June, Cooper and Stand Watie concen- 



136 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

trated their forces in the Choctaw Nation and began 
to show signs of life. Stand Watie with his brigade of 
one thousand Indians, a regiment of Texas cavalry, 
and two pieces of artillery, had moved up to Webber's 
Falls on the Arkansas River, to intercept any Govern- 
ment boats that might be passing. 

FIGHT NEAR WEBBER 's FALLS, JUNE 17, 1864 

On the fifteenth of June a steam ferry-boat was 
loaded with supplies and started up the river for Fort 
Gibson, with an escort of a lieutenant and twenty men 
from the Twelfth Kansas Infantry. When the boat 
arrived within a few miles of Webber's Falls, it was 
attacked and captured by Stand Watie. When at- 
tacked, the boat was thrown to the north side of the 
river; and the escort, after firing a few shots, waded 
ashore and made their escape. The lieutenant with a 
part of his men finally returned to Fort Smith and re- 
ported to General Thayer, who immediately ordered 
me with two regiments of infantiy, one company of 
cavalry, and a section of artillery, to the scene of the 
disaster. 

I received the order at nine o 'clock on the night of 
the sixteenth, and the next day at 1 P. M. I captured 
Stand Watie 's pickets — six Texas cavalrymen, with 
arms and horses — at the Sans Bois River, thirty-five 
miles from Fort Smith and five miles from Stand 
Watie 's camp. The river at this crossing was narrow 
and deep ; and finding neither a bridge nor a ferry-boat, 
I brought over the prisoners in a canoe and swam their 
horses over; then I moved the command to a bridge 
three miles up stream. On arriving at this crossing I 
found the bridge-flooring torn up, and the Texas cav- 
alry dismounted and partially fortified on the other side 
of the river. The river at that point was also narrow 
and deep, and the Texas troops behind their hastily pre- 
pared breastworks were within easy reach of our En- 
field rifles. 




CuLoxEi. Samuel J. Ckawford 

(At 28 years of age) 



BATTLE OP POISON SPRINGS 137 

I immediately threw the Eighty-third Regiment 
forward into line, ran up a section of artillery, and 
opened fire with both at the same time. The enemy's 
breastworks consisted of logs and bridge-flooring, 
which had been hastily thrown together, and behind 
which they had taken shelter. For a while the Texans 
hugged the ground like lizards, and fired as though 
they were shooting birds in the trees. We had them 
where they could neither lie still, nor retreat with 
safety. Pretty soon our artillery got its bearing and 
began to dismantle the fort. One shell went whizzing 
across the river and struck the bridge-flooring, piled 
up in front of a bunch of Rebels, and sent them whirl- 
ing back to Dixie. That was the beginning of the end. 
Soon the remainder broke and went dodging through 
the timber from tree to tree under a hot fire of canister 
and rifle balls. I hastily repaired the bridge, crossed 
over, and followed them until dark, when they disap- 
peared and, so far as I know, never returned. 

When Stand Watie captured the boat, two days be- 
fore tliis skirmish, all his chiefs, headmen, and war- 
riors loaded themselves and their ponies to the guard 
with booty, and each on his own trail struck for his 
wigwam in the distant forest. Stand Watie, like the 
hen that hatched the quails, was left alone on the bleak 
prairie with no troops '^ to love, and none to caress." 
They all took French leave, and did not return in time 
to muster for pay at the close of the Rebellion. That 
was the only instance during the Civil War where a 
whole brigade of valiant troops was placed hors de 
combat by a stemwheel ferry-boat and a few boxes of 
hardtack. 

The object of this expedition having been accom- 
plished, I returned to Fort Smith and devoted my time 
to drilling and preparing the regiment for inspection 
and grand review. General Marcy, Inspector-General 
of the army, was on a tour, inspecting the troops west 
of the Mississippi, and I wanted to be in readiness for 



138 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

him. On the third of July he arrived at Fort Smith ; 
and on the fourth he and Generals Curtis, Blunt, and 
Thayer inspected the division and held a grand re- 
view. In his report to the Secretary of War, General 
Marcy paid my regiment a compliment of which any 
officer of the army, in time of war, had a right to feel 
proud. 

NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR 

Soon after this grand review and inspection. Gen- 
eral Thayer, our division commander, informed me that 
he was going to organize a cavalry expedition to Red 
River, and that he wanted me to command it. I told 
him that while nothing would please me more, I was 
afraid it could not be done ; that several of the cavalry 
colonels ranked me, and they would not submit to it. 
After discussing the question fully, we dropped it for 
the time ; but soon thereafter, he or some other person 
(I knew not who) drew up a letter to the President, 
which was extensively signed by colonels and other of- 
ficers of the division, asking my promotion to the rank 
of Brigadier-General, and I was subsequently assured 
from Washington that I should have the first vacancy. 
But before the appointment was made I was nomi- 
nated by the State Convention at Topeka as the Repub- 
lican candidate for Governor. 

This opened a new field for me if I accepted the 
nomination. I preferred the army. I loved the army. 
I was finishing a four years' course in the art of war, 
and in a few months would have been graduated from 
the cannon's mouth. The successful army officer, as a 
general rule, must necessarily be a man of truth, integ- 
rity, and courage. The successful politician, as a gen- 
eral rule, must necessarily be ' ' all things to all men. ' ' 
But this is only the general rule. Some of our politi- 
cians are true as the needle to the pole. After consid- 
ering the question carefully, I finally made up my mind, 
under quite a pressure, and notified the State Central 
Committee that I would accept the nomination. 



CHAPTER XI 

THE PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 

RETREAT FROM JEFFERSON CITY CONCENTRATION OF FED- 
ERAL TROOPS AT KANSAS CITY INJURIOUS COURSE OF 

NEWSPAPER BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BLUE, OCTOBER 

21, 18G4 COUNCIL OF WAR, SATURDAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 

22, 1864 BATTLE OF WESTPORT, OCTOBER 23, 1864 

RETREAT TOWARD FORT SCOTT. 

MEANTIME, General Price, of Confederate fame, 
had concentrated his forces in Southern Arkan- 
sas, and was moving north for a raid through Missouri. 
He crossed the Arkansas River at Dardanelle on Sep- 
tember 7, 1864, almost under the guns of General 
Steele's forces, in the vicinity of Little Rock, and moved 
northward by way of Batesville to Pocahontas, where 
he arrived on the sixteenth of September. At this 
place General Price reorganized his invading army into 
three divisions, commanded respectively by Generals 
Fagan, Marmaduke, and Shelby. From Pocahontas, 
General Price, with his army as reorganized, moved 
north to Pilot Knob where General Ewing was sta- 
tioned with about fifteen hundred Federal troops, — 
cavalry, infantry, and artiller\\ In the afternoon of 
September 26, Ewing 's pickets w^ere driven in; and on 
the morning of the twenty-seventh a hard, stubborn 
fight began. Ewing held his position during the day, 
but being greatly outnumbered, he deemed it advisable 
to fall back to the railroad between Rolla and St. Louis, 
which he succeeded in reaching without serious loss. 

From Pilot Knob General Price continued his march 
northward with Jefferson City as his objective point. 

139 



140 KA.NSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Wliile Price was passing west of St. Louis, in the direc- 
tion of Jefferson City, General Rosecrans, command- 
ing the Department, got busy and began concentrating 
his troops at available points with the view of catching 
the old fox. Wlien it was definitely known that Price 
was moving on Jefferson City, General Rosecrans or- 
dered Generals McNeil and Sanborn to move from 
Rolla with their brigades on parallel lines with Price, 
and reinforce General E. B. Brown, commanding the 
district of Central Missouri, with headquarters at Jef- 
ferson City. General Price having passed to the west 
of St. Louis, General Rosecrans dropped General A. J. 
Smith, with a part of the Sixteenth Corps, in his rear. 

On the sixth of October General Price crossed the 
Osage River, and on the seventh he reached and tried 
to invest Jefferson City. Prom the Osage, Colonels 
Gravely and Phillips, with their cavalry, contested the 
enemy's advance at every available point, and sent a 
good many of them to the hospital, and others to the 
happy hunting-grounds. Early on the morning of the 
seventh General Fisk arrived and assumed command 
of the Federal forces, with General Brown's Missouri 
troops, reinforced by the brigades of McNeil and San- 
born. Fisk and the whole command stood ready, if not 
eager, to welcome their wayward neighbors, with 
** bloody hands to hospitable graves." 

During the afternoon General Price and his lieu- 
tenants moved about beyond the range of rifles, viewing 
the entrenchments, the forts, and the men behind frown- 
ing guns, until they became weary. Staring them in 
the face was a condition more serious than they had en- 
countered at Pilot Knob. In fact, General Price had 
reached the north pole of his perilous expedition, and 
for the first time since leaving Camden, he saw that he 
was standing on slippery ground. He was afraid to 
risk a battle. He dared not cross the river or move 
eastward. General A. J. Smith, with an army of 
trained veterans, was advancing from the south, and 



PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 141 

Generals Curtis and Blunt were rapidly concentrating 
their forces and the Kansas State troops at Kansas 
City. On whatsoever side he turned he could see only 
dark war-clouds gathering thick and fast around him. 
To use a slang phrase, he was " up against it," and his 
only hope of escape was through the blundering stupid- 
ity of his adversaries. 

KETREAT FROM JEFFERSON CITY 

During the first day of his discontent at Jefferson 
City, October 7, General Price's division and brigade 
commanders played their usual game of bluff at a dis- 
tance, and occasionally advanced and tried the Federal 
lines, but invariably fell back under a galling fire to 
places of safety. Late in the evening Generals Fagan 
and Shelby moved up with their divisions and formed 
with a flourish as though they were going to smash 
things the next morning. But when the next morning 
came, they were not there. During the night the divi- 
sions of Fagan and Marmaduke hit the road leading 
toward the setting sun, and early on the morning of 
the eighth Shelby's division followed in the wake. 

Scarcely had the enemy left the field when the Fed- 
eral cavalry under Colonel Phillips was on their heels 
and flank. Price, with Fagan 's division and their train, 
moved off on the road leading southwest to Russellville, 
and thence northwest to Boonville; Marmaduke, with 
his cavalrj^ covered all the roads leading in a south- 
westerly direction, evidently with the intention of mis- 
leading the Federal cavalry; Shelby pushed west on 
the California road; but they all encamped for the 
night in the vicinity of Russellville. 

Early on the morning of the eighth General Pleas- 
anton arrived in Jefferson City and assumed command 
of the Union forces. All afternoon of the eighth the 
brigades of Phillips and Gravely hung heavy on the 
flanks of the enemy, fighting most of the time, until it 
was too dark to see how to shoot. That night General 



142 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Sanborn reached the front, and at daylight the next 
morning drove in the enemy's pickets and had a sharp 
engagement with Ma-rmaduke 's cavalr^^ in and through 
Eussellville. From there General Price moved his 
army to Boonville, where he remained for two days, 
when he was routed and driven in the direction of Lex- 
ington, with General Sanborn heavy on his rear. 

CONCENTRATION OF FEDERAL TROOPS AT KANSAS CITY 

Meantime Generals Curtis and Blunt, and the Gov- 
ernor of Kansas, were concentrating their forces at 
Kansas City, and General A. J. Smith, with a part of 
the Sixteenth Corps, was moving forward with a stead- 
iness of step that bespoke the soldier. When it be- 
came known that General Price was forging his way 
through Missouri in the direction of Kansas, General 
Thayer at Fort Smith gave Colonel Cloud and myself 
leave of absence with instructions to report to General 
Curtis at Kansas City. On the twelfth of October we 
left Fort Smith with a light escort ; and on arriving at 
Fort Scott, I received a despatch, of which the follow- 
ing is a copy : 

Wyandotte, October 15, 1864. 
Colonel Crawford, 

Fort Scott : 

General Blunt desires you to come up immediately and 
report to him at Hickman Mills, Mo. 

C. S. C harlot, 
Major and Assis't Adjutant-General. 

I received this despatch on the evening of the seven- 
teenth and at one o'clock on the morning of the twen- 
tieth Colonel Cloud and I reported to General Curtis 
at Independence, and were immediately assigned to 
staff duty. 

General Blunt, at the time, was fighting Price's ad- 
vance at Lexington, and I could not reach him that day. 
Besides, some twenty-odd regiments of untrained Kan- 
sas State Militia were in the vicinity of Kansas City, 
on both sides of the State line, and it was the desire of 



PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 143 

General Curtis to have Colonel Cloud and myself assist 
Governor Carney and General Deitzler in bringing 
them to the front, and getting them into position and 
condition to assist in checking Price in his onward 
march to Kansas City and Southern Kansas. But, for 
political reasons, our services were respectfully de- 
clined. General Deitzler, Major-General of the Kansas 
State Militia, thought he had his troops well organized 
and could handle them without assistance, '' in case 
they were needed at the front." How well he could 
handle them was very clearly demonstrated that after- 
noon and the succeeding two days. Nor was it the fault 
of the men. The truth is, they were not handled at all. 
They all stood ready to move and do their duty; but 
unfortunately some of their officers of higher rank took 
fright at that imaginary thing called a State line. 

Governor Carney, Commander-in-Chief of the State 
Militia, and his brigade commanders, except Colonel 
Blair, were inexperienced in military affairs, and had 
no conception of the dangers that confronted them and 
the State of Kansas ; nor of their duty and responsibil- 
ity. Martial law had been declared in Kansas — that 
is, the laws of the State had been suspended — and 
everything, including Governor Carney and his State 
Militia, was under the military rule and control of 
Major-General Curtis. But Governor Carney and his 
Militia generals did not grasp or comprehend the situa- 
tion, nor realize the consequences of their inexcusable 
conduct. 

INJURIOUS COURSE OF NEWSPAPER 

The Governor, at the time, owned a newspaper which 
was freely circulated among his Militia ; and up to the 
time when General Blunt was fighting and falling back 
before Price's advance from Lexington to Independ- 
ence, Governor Carney's paper — under scarecrow 
headlines — was telling the Militia and people of Kan- 
sas that Price was not in Missouri ; that the whole thing 



144 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

was a political scheme of Senator Lane to get the 
Militia of the State called out for political purposes; 
that under the laws of Kansas (which has been sus- 
pended) the Militia did not have to cross the State line ; 
and other similar statements, calculated to discourage 
and demoralize the State troops and render them of 
little use when the enemy appeared. 

If, at the proper time. General Curtis had arrested 
a half-dozen politicians in the Militia camps and sent 
them to Fort Leavenworth in irons, and at the same 
time shot one or two Militia brigadiers from the can- 
non's mouth, he could have had an invincible army of 
fifteen thousand men — infantry, cavalry, and artillery 

— in line, confronting Price when he crossed the Blue 
on the twenty-second. But instead, most of them 
were away at a distance where they could be of no 
assistance. 

Price was there in a trap, with the Missouri River 
on his right, Pleasonton in his rear, and General A. J. 
Smith on his left. If Curtis had had his troops in 
proper position, the Price raid would have ended then 
and there. But Curtis 's troops were not in the proper 
position. Three brigades were scattered from Olathe 
to Leavenworth — ten, twenty, and thirty miles away 

— with Governor Carney's newspaper and some of his 
Militia generals telling the troops that Price was not 
coming. General Curtis made a faint effort to concen- 
trate his troops at Kansas City, but his orders were 
disobeyed with impunity ; and as a result. Price slipped 
through the lines with his shattered forces, after they 
had been hammered to a frazzle and driven into a cor- 
ral by Pleasonton 's forces — mostly State troops of 
Missouri. 

Any person who cares to do so can readily find a 
distinction with a difference, by contrasting the con- 
duct of Pleasonton and his brigade commanders with 
that of Carney, Dietzler, and their brigadiers. To a 
soldier the comparison is odious, except in so far as 



PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 145 

Colonel Blair was concerned. He was a courageous of- 
ficer, and handled his brigade with skill. But of the 
others — their conduct speaks for them. Nor does the 
blame for such conduct attach to their regimental or 
line officers; nor to the men composing the regiments 
and battalions. They all stood ready to obey orders 
and do their duty, the same as Colonel Blair's brigade; 
and the regiments, battalions, and batteries of Colonels 
Veale, Snoddy, Montgomery, Colton, Hagan, Murdock, 
Her, Ross, Burns, and others, who crossed the State line 
and faced the enemy with the courage of true soldiers. 

No, the trouble was not with the men, line officers, 
or regimental commanders, but lay at the tent-door of 
General Curtis, who allowed Governor Carney and his 
plumed political brigadiers to scatter the seeds of dis- 
cord and mutiny all over the camp. They all knew that 
Price was approaching Kansas with a large army, and 
their whole object and aim seemed to be to demoralize 
the Militia and baffle Curtis in his every attempt to con- 
centrate his troops and be prepared to meet Price and 
his army. Hence, I say that such mutineers should 
have been put in irons or tried by a drumhead court- 
martial, and shot before breakfast. But neither was 
done. They were allowed to go on playing their game 
among the troops with impunity; and before it was 
concluded the enemy's guns were thundering at the 
gates of Kansas City. 

That they all had positive proof that Price with a 
large army was in Missouri and rapidly approaching 
Kansas, will be observed by reading the despatches, 
proclamations, communications, orders, and reports of 
General Rosecrans and others, as shown by the Re- 
bellion Records, published in full by the War Depart- 
ment. General Curtis was a grand good man, and 
meant well ; but as a general in command of an army 
in the field, like General Fred. Steele, he fell short, and 
in the face of an enemy was helpless as a child. 

At Kansas Citv we were face to face with a condi- 



146 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

tion. Price was advancing with an army of at least 
nine thousand veteran soldiers, beside two or three 
thousand recruits and bushwhackers. To meet this 
force General Curtis had four thousand veteran sol- 
diers and fifteen thousand State Militia. Price's 
army had been marching and fighting from Pilot Knob 
to Jefferson City, and thence retreating and fighting to 
Lexington, Missouri. His horses were jaded, and many 
of them unserviceable; and his men were tired, ragged, 
hungry, and short of ammunition. Curtis 's troops 
were fresh, well mounted, armed, and equipped with 
everything essential ; and yet in the crisis he hesitated, 
declined to move out and face Price on the open field. 

General Blunt, with a brigade of cavalry, met 
Price's advance at Lexington on the nineteenth and con- 
tested every inch of the ground from there to the 
Little Blue River, in order to give General Curtis time 
to concentrate his forces and put them in line for action. 

BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BLUE, OCTOBER 21, 1864 

When General Blunt reached the Little Blue he 
made a stand with one brigade of cavalry and two sec- 
tions of artillery, and held Price in check until about 
noon of the twenty-first, when he was ordered to fall 
back to the Big Blue. His position at the Little Blue 
was well chosen, and had he been reinforced with one 
brigade of infantry and another battery, he could have 
held the crossing until Grant reached Appomattox. 
There was no other bridge on that stream over which 
Price could have crossed his train and artillery en 
route to Independence. But instead of reinforcing 
Blunt, General Curtis ordered him to fall back, and he 
obeyed orders. 

While Blunt was holding Price's advance in check 
at the Little Blue, General Pleasonton's division was 
slashing him right and left in the rear. But when Blunt 
retired, Price's engineers repaired the bridge, and the 
next morning his troops and trains crossed over and 



PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 147 

moved forward on the road to Independence, followed 
closely by Pleasonton's force. 

Before reaching Independence, Fagan's division, 
with the trains, took the left-hand road leading to 
Westport, leaving Marmaduke to hold Pleasonton's 
troops in check as best he conld. From the Little Blue 
Pleasonton drove Marmaduke 's division steadily 
through the fields, over hills, and around hedge-fences 
to Independence, and on at a run down to Rock Creek, 
and up almost to the muzzles of Curtis 's guns at the 
Kansas City crossing of the Big Blue. From here, 
Marmaduke, defeated in every engagement during the 
day, and finding himself almost surrounded at night, 
retreated southward and rejoined Price and Fagan, 
who had thrown up their job and started home. 

Had General Curtis been equal to the emergency, 
Price never could have escaped from the trap he was in. 
While Blunt was holding the crossing at the Little 
Blue on the twenty-first, Curtis should have brought 
forward all his State troops and stationed a heavy 
brigade of infantry, with artillery, at each crossing of 
the Big Blue, leaving Blunt to strike with the cavalry 
where he could do the most good. Then with Pleason- 
ton in the rear and A. J. Smith on the flank, Price, 
crippled as he was, could not have escaped. But un- 
fortunately, General Curtis was not in a fighting mood. 

After Pleasonton had defeated Marmaduke 's troops 
on the twenty-second and started them on a run for 
Dixie, General Curtis abandoned the Big Blue and fell 
back on Kansas City, preparatory to retreating to Fort 
Leavenworth. From some cause the old gentleman lost 
his nerve, and while Pleasonton was hammering the life 
out of Marmaduke within hearing of the guns, and 
Blunt was fighting Joe Shelby at the upper crossings 
of the Big Blue, with a handful of men at each. General 
Curtis, without consultation, was moving his ammuni- 
tion and baggage trains across the Kansas River, 
headed for Leavenworth. 

Of this movement General Blunt and his officers 



148 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

knew nothing, and at first no one believed it; but later 
the report was confirmed, and it created consternation 
and no little indignation among the officers at the front 
who happened to hear of it. General Blunt immediately 
sent a staif officer to Curtis with the request that he 
bring back the ammunition wagons and troops, and 
also the horses of Colonel Blair's brigade, which, with- 
out his knowledge, had been sent across the Kansas 
River. General Curtis had most of Deitzler's division, 
at least five thousand State troops, back near the State 
line, which should have been sent to the front early in 
the morning. If that had been done, the battle would 
have been fought on Saturday, the twenty-second, by 
the combined forces of Curtis and Pleasonton. But 
that was not done. General Curtis seemed to have lost 
his head at the critical moment, and ordered his troops 
to the rear instead of the front. 

COUNCIL OF WAR, SATUEDAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 22, 1864 

Late on Saturday afternoon General Curtis con- 
sented to call a Council of War, to meet at the Gillis 
House in Kansas City that night. It was then known 
by all who were at the front during the day that Price 
had abandoned all hope of entering Kansas City on the 
Independence Road, and that his only hope was to 
come in from the southeast on the Westport Road. 
To guard against this remote possibility. General Blunt 
stationed his division accordingly, and at the same time 
directed me to assist in the formation of a second line 
on the road to Kansas Cit}^, with the regiments of the 
Kansas State Militia, which were within reach. 

"When this work was completed, I rode over to the 
Gillis House and found a lively Council of War in suc- 
cessful operation. General Curtis, General Blunt, Gen- 
eral Jas. H. Lane, and a number of staff officers and 
v^olunteer aides were present. General Curtis, the 
Major-General commanding, was strenuously insisting 
upon crossing the Kansas River with the remainder of 



PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 149 

his troops and retreating to Leavenworth. That, of 
course, meant the destruction of Kansas City and the 
devastation of Southern Kansas. It also meant an 
abandonment of General Pleasonton and his troops, 
who had driven Price to the very muzzle of our guns ; 
and worse, it meant the brand of cowardice indelibly 
stamped upon soldiers who had never flinched or fal- 
tered in the face of an enemy. 

Every officer present at the council, except General 
Curtis, felt absolutely certain that even without Pleas- 
onton 's division, we had men enough to meet Price on 
the open field or anywhere else; and to listen to talk 
about retreating was galling in the extreme. Finally, 
about two o'clock on Sunday morning it became un- 
bearable, when some of the officers took General Blunt 
to the other end of the parlor and told him that there 
was but one thing for him to do, and that was to place 
General Curtis in close arrest and assume command. 
General Blunt replied by saying : * ' Gentlemen, that is 
a serious thing to do." 

'* Yes," we replied, " but not so serious as for this 
army to run away like cowards and let Price sack Kan- 
sas City and devastate Southern Kansas." 

In reply to this. General Blunt asked the question, 
' ' Will the army stand by me ? ' ' 

" Yes," we replied, '' and we will stand by you 
while making the arrest." 

The General then said that something must be done, 
and done quickly; whereupon we all walked back, and 
standing in front of Curtis, while Senator Lane was 
still arguing with him. General Blunt said in no uncer- 
tain tones: *' General Curtis, what do you propose to 
do?" 

General Curtis looked up and, seeing determination 
depicted on resolute faces, thought a moment and said, 
* ' General Blunt, I will leave the whole matter to you. 
If you say fight, then fight it is. ' ' 

Blunt 's reply was, " I say fight, and we will con- 



150 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

centrate the troops on the prairie south of Westport. ' ' 
Then requesting Curtis to have the troops, ammunition 
train, and cavalry horses brought from over the river, 
he asked me to go to the front with him. 

BATTLE OF WESTPORT, OCTOBER 23, 1864 

At three o'clock on the morning of October 23, the 
Council of War terminated, and General Blunt and I 
mounted our horses and started for the front. We 
arrived at Westport while it was yet dark, and the Gen- 
eral immediately sent statf officers in haste with or- 
ders to the various brigades and batteries of his divi- 
sion to move promptly to the prairie a mile southeast 
of Westport. A part of his division, with the First Col- 
orado battery, was already in Westport ; and others, as 
fast as they arrived, were pushed forward across Brush 
Creek and formed in line of battle. 

The first line was composed of the Eleventh, Fif- 
teenth, and Sixteenth Kansas Cavalry, a battalion of 
Missouri cavalry under Captain Grover, the Second 
Colorado Cavalry, and a section of McLain's battery. 
The second line, or reserve force, was composed of 
State troops, infantry, and dismounted cavalry. In a 
short time after Blunt 's lines were formed, Shelby's 
division of Price's army appeared on the farther side 
of t-he prairie, about a mile distant. Blunt immediately 
opened on Shelby with McLain 's two guns, which were 
answered by two guns from the other side of the field. 

Instead of having two guns in action, and a half- 
dozen regiments of State Militia in line as a reserve, he 
should have had twelve guns, McLain's and Dodge's 
full batteries, ten howitzers, and twenty regiments of 
State troops — most of which had been scattered about 
three or four miles in the rear by Generals Curtis and 
Dietzler, where they were of no earthly benefit. 

We all knew (or should have known) that Price was 
trying to get out of a trap with his troops and train. 
We all knew that Pleasonton's troops were hammering 



PRICE RAH) THROUGH MISSOURI 151 

him desperately in the rear and on his left flank ; and 
we had good reason to know that Shelby's division was 
thrown out on Price's right flank that morning to hold 
Curtis back and prevent his forming a junction with 
Pleasonton. All these things General Blunt and his 
officers who were at the front knew; and every regi- 
ment present was ready at any moment to charge 
Shelby's battalions scattered as they were over the 
field. 

While McLain's two guns were exchanging shots 
with Shelby's guns, there was an occasional clash or 
skirmish on different parts of the field, which invariably 
resulted in our troops driving the enemy back. In fact, 
every movement showed that Shelby was not there to 
fight. He had no consecutive line of battle. His regi- 
ments were scattered about over the prairie where they 
would show to best advantage ; and when Blunt should 
have made a dash and cleared the field, he ordered his 
troops, in response to an order from General Curtis, 
who was on the roof of the Harris Hotel in Westport, 
to fall back to the north side of Brush Creek among 
bushes and underbrush where it was impossible to 
handle cavalry. 

This was an unfortunate movement, and led to con- 
fusion and the loss of valuable time. Wliat Shelby 
thought of it while he was hanging by the gills, of 
course, we had no way of knowing. But what many of 
the officers on our side thought, was plainly expressed 
in terse language. The retrograde movement at that 
particular time was inexcusable. If Blunt had been 
left alone and properly supported, he would have 
driven Shelby from the field in the early morning, and 
been on Price 's right flank cooperating with Pleasonton. 
But General Curtis did not see it that way, and his 
word was law. 

When Blunt 's cavalry moved back to Brush Creek, 
Shelby moved his brigades farther out on the prairie, 
and was playing his game of bluff to the queen 's taste. 



152 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

But finally, Blunt returned to the field with his cavalry, 
and then there was something doing. He moved to the 
right with the Eleventh and Fifteenth Kansas, and 
Grover's battalion of Missouri cavalry, and directed 
me to look after the Sixteenth Kansas and Second Col- 
orado Cavalry on the left. 

In front of these two regiments, about four hundred 
yards distant, was a brigade of Shelby 's troops on the 
open prairie. When I came up, both lines were using 
their carbines in a random sort of way, but so far 
apart that neither could hurt the other. I instantly 
ordered the commanding officers of the two regiments 
to sling their carbines and draw pistols, which was done 
in one time and two motions. I then ordered the 
bugler to sound the advance and the charge. With a 
yell the men of two regiments dashed forward, and in 
less than three minutes the Rebels were flying at full 
speed over the prairie with our men in close pursuit. 

About the same time General Blunt made a charge 
on the right, driving everything before him, until we 
cleared the field and Shelby was in full retreat. This 
was what I wanted Blunt to do when Shelby first ap- 
peared on the prairie, early in the morning, but he 
thought best to wait until the enemy was more fully 
developed, lest we dash into Price's main force. He 
had been cautioned by General Curtis, who was still on 
the roof of the Harris Hotel in Westport, a mile in the 
rear. 

EETEEAT TOWAED FORT SCOTT 

As soon as Shelby was driven from the field. Gen- 
eral Curtis came to the front, booted, spurred, and 
ready to follow whithersoever Price might lead. Wliile 
Shelby was playing hide-and-seek with him. Price, with 
his train and the remainder of his army, was moving 
rapidly in the direction of Fort Scott, with Pleason- 
ton still hanging like a bulldog on his flank and rear. 
Leaving most of his own troops behind, General Curtis 



PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 158 

with a light heart and escort, dropped in the wake, 
Overtaking Pleasonton in the afternoon, he asserted his 
rank and assumed command. 

General Blunt, with a part of his division, pushed 
south on the line road to Little Santa Fe, where they 
all stopped and camped for the night. There, while 
General Curtis was resting, sleeping, and writing flam- 
ing despatches. General Price was moving at a run to 
save his demoralized army. After halting at Little 
Santa Fe from 4 P. M. Sunday until 6 A. M. Monday, 
General Curtis resumed the pursuit, with Blunt 's divi- 
sion in advance. But Price's forces had been moving 
rapidly all night, and on Monday morning when Blunt 
started, they were twenty-odd miles away. 

On Monday evening Curtis halted at West Point, 
Missouri, to let the men and animals rest and get some- 
thing to eat. Price camped that night at the Trading 
Post in Kansas, about twenty-five miles north of Fort 
Scott — our depot of army supplies. After resting 
some four hours, General Curtis resumed the pursuit 
with Pleasonton 's division in advance. This offended 
Blunt, because Price was now on Kansas soil, and he 
thought the Kansas troops should be at the front. 

Nevertheless, about 8 P. M. General Pleasonton 
moved, with Sanborn's brigade in advance. Curtis, in 
his ambulance, followed in rear of Sanborn until two 
o'clock the next morning — Tuesday, October 25 — • 
when, recei\^ng a message from Sanborn to the effect 
that he had driven in the enemy's pickets and found 
a strong force stationed on the hills in his immediate 
front, General Curtis halted and sent back orders to 
Sanborn to remain where he was until daylight and 
then move forward. It was then about 3 A. M. and 
quite dark and drizzling. 

Colonel Blair, who had previously been in command 
of a brigade of Kansas State troops, and whose home 
and family were in Fort Scott, came up at this time, 
and he and I were discussing the situation when Curtis 



154 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

despatclied his last order to Sanborn. Hearing this 
order, Colonel Blair was very much depressed, and said 
to me : ' ' Fort Scott is gone. ' ' I said ' ' No, we yet have 
two chances to save the town. First, let 's try and get 
Curtis to send General Blunt with his division around 
to the west, and strike Price at daylight while crossing 
the river near his camp, which he must do when he 
moves. Second, if Blunt fails to get there in time, then 
let Curtis have him fiercely assail Price 's rear with his 
fresh troops and horses, and not let up until he forces 
a battle." 

These two propositions Colonel Blair and I sub- 
mitted to General Curtis about three o'clock on the 
morning of October 25. To the first he shook his head 
and said, '' No, I will not separate the forces." To the 
second, he said, '' Yes, I am going to fight the battle 
over on the prairie south of the river early in the 
morning." Blair and I both knew what that meant. 
Every officer in both armies (except Curtis) knew that 
Price was not going to stop and fight a battle if he 
could possibly avoid it. His army had been retreating 
and fighting from the time he passed Jefferson City, 
and he was in no condition to fight a battle. Besides, he 
was necessarily out of rations and forage, and Fort 
Scott was his last hope. 

We told General Curtis all these things, and more, 
but we could not move him from his preconceived idea 
that Price was going to stop and wait for him. Fail- 
ing in everything else, we told him that Pleasonton's 
men having been in the saddle for thirty days or more, 
flanking and fighting to keep Price first out of Jeffer- 
son City and then out of Kansas City, were well-nigh 
exhausted ; that his horses were jaded, and on that ac- 
count we thought he ought to order Blunt 's division to 
the front. But for some unexplained reason he even 
declined to do that. 

Then Blair and I turned away from him and agreed 
to go to the front at daylight and do what little we 



PRICE RAID THROUGH MISSOURI 155 

could to save Fort Scott. General Price's troops 
crossed the river during the latter part of the night, 
except one brigade left back to cheek Sanborn's ad- 
vance. Colonel Blair and I reached the front before it 
was quite light, while Sanborn was engaging Price's 
rear guard north of the river. After crossing his train 
and artillery, Price had chopped down trees on both 
banks to delay Curtis. This, however, did not seriously 
impede the progress of the cavalry, and Sanborn's 
brigade, followed by other brigades, soon crossed over. 

From the Marais des Cygnes, Price moved south on 
the old military road leading to Fort Scott, with Shel- 
by 's division in advance, followed by the train and the 
divisions of Fagan and Marmaduke in the order men- 
tioned. Two separate Brigades — General Tyler's and 
Colonel Jackman's — were on the flanks, and Colonel 
Nichols and a horde of recruits were out as freebooters 
scouring the country for something to eat. 

When Marmaduke 's rear-guard crossed the Marais 
des Cygnes a regiment was formed in line about six 
limidred yards south of the ford. Colonel Blair and I 
reached and crossed the river in the rear of the Second 
Arkansas Cavalry, which regiment was immediately 
deployed and moved forward to within about four hun- 
dred yards of the Rebel rear so formed. The two lines 
were facing each other on the open prairie with about 
the same number of men in each. 

The Second Arkansas belonged to Pleasonton's 
division, and on that account I hesitated about inter- 
fering, but rode forward to the rear of the regiment, 
where I was met by Adjutant Remiatee, who had for- 
merly been with me in the Second Kansas Cavalry. 
With the Adjutant I rode to the left of the regiment to 
get a better view of the situation and see if the enemy 
had a reserve force upon which to fall back. 

Finding the field absolutely clear, I told Remiatee 
his regiment must charge and break that line. Riding 
back to about the centre of the regiment we met the 



156 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

commanding officer, and I ordered him to make the 
charge ; this he did without hesitation, and I stayed with 
him until the enemy broke and fled from the field. The 
Rebels had two howitzers in their line, which we should 
have secured, but for a mistake of one of the captains 
in ordering a halt at the wrong time. But the regiment, 
considering the condition of their horses, made a most 
gallant charge, and deserved great credit for it. 

I do not know the name of the regimental com- 
mander who made the charge, but presume it was John 
E. Phelps, Colonel of the regiment. This rear-guard, 
when routed, did not stop until the men overtook Mar- 
maduke's main column, which was wending its way 
over the prairie in the direction of Mine Creek. 

Within a few minutes after this charge was made. 
Major Hopkins, with a battalion of the Second Kansas 
Cavalry, and Captain Green, with a battalion of the 
Second Colorado Cavalry, came up with their men and 
horses in good condition and joined in the pursuit. We 
gained rapidly on Marmaduke's forces, until he was 
compelled to throw a regiment in line to hold our ad- 
vance in check, while he was forming his division for 
action, 



CHAPTER XII 

PRICE 'S RETREAT AND ESCAPE 

BATTLE OF MINE CREEK CHARGE OF COLONELS PHILLIPS 

AND BENTEEN GEN. PRICE 's REPORT BATTLE OF THE 

LITTLE OSAGE, OCTOBER 25, 1864 GEN. SHELBY 's RE- 
PORT PRICE DEMORALIZED THE PURSUIT HIS 

ESCAPE THE LAST DITCH. 

THE battle of Mine Creek was one of the most im- 
portant of all the battles ever fought on the soil 
of Kansas. General Price with an army of about nine 
thousand ragged, hungry soldiers, after a wild, reck- 
less raid through Missouri, was trying to make his es- 
cape through Kansas and back to the dismal swamps 
of the Sunny South. He had been fighting and running 
for thirty consecutive days and his deluded followers 
were ciying for bread. 

Price was on his last legs, and his men were on their 
uppers. At Fort Scott, twenty miles away, was a Fed- 
eral depot of army supplies ; and to reach and capture 
that post was the ambition of his military life. To 
keep him out of Fort Scott was the determination of the 
Federal troops, including Colonel Blair, Colonel Cloud, 
and myself. We three had previously fought Price, 
Marmaduke, Shelby, and Fagan at Wilson's Creek and 
on other bloody fields. We had been ordered from an- 
other department to assist in keeping these bold riders 
out of Kansas, and we could not afford to linger in 
the rear and let Fort Scott go down. 

On the field at Westport we became satisfied that 
Shelby was short of ammunition. In charging Marma- 
duke 's rear early that morning I knew his men were not 

157 



158 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

prepared to figlit, because the regiment making the 
charge did not lose a single man. Of course, the enemy 
had a limited supply, but not enough to hold a pursuing 
army in check ; and I was thoroughly convinced of that 
fact when Marmaduke was forming his line of battle 
north of Mine Creek. 

His rear guard formed on top of the hill or eleva- 
tion in his front, to hold the Federal troops back while 
he was forming his main line. But his rear-guard did 
not stand on the hill a minute before the guns of our 
advancing troops. They broke and fell back on Mar- 
maduke 's main force, which was then rapidly forming 
in two lines, parallel with the creek. When Marma- 
duke 's rear-guard broke, we deployed two companies of 
cavalry as skirmishers and pushed them forward to 
within about four hundred yards of the enemy, and 
held the remainder of the advance in line as a reserve. 

As our skirmish line advanced, Marmaduke opened 
fire with two pieces of artillery. I then sent Sergeant 
J. P. Hiner, of Company A, Second Kansas, back to tell 
General Blunt that the enemy had halted and formed in 
line of battle, and asked him to bring his division to the 
front as quickly as possible. When Sergeant Hiner 
started, I called in the skirmishers and ordered Major 
Hopkins and Captain Green to move their battalions 
over in front of Marmaduke 's extreme left, so as to give 
Blunt an open field when he arrived. 

I knew he was furiously mad about having been put 
in the rear at West Point the previous evening, when 
his men and horses were comparatively fresh, but I had 
no doubt about his coming to the front quickly when he 
heard that Price was in battle array on Kansas soil. 
After waiting a short time, which seemed to be longer 
than it was. Sergeant Hiner returned with the informa- 
tion that General Blunt was still roaring and declined 
in most vigorous terms to take any further part. For 
the exact language used by the General on that occa- 
sion, I must refer the reader to Mr. J. P. Hiner of 



price's retreat and escape 159 

Paola, Kansas, late Treasurer of Miami County ; but it 
was terse and vigorous. Nothing like it is found in any 
of the chapters of the New Testament. 

It was a sad disappointment to Colonel Blair and 
myself. For thirty minutes we had been picturing 
such a cavalry scene as is seldom witnessed on the 
field of battle. The formation of the ground — a 
broad, smooth, down-grade prairie — was perfect. 
Marmaduke had formed his lines on the farther side 
with a skirt of timber along the creek in his rear. 
Fagan's division was in line on the other side of the 
creek about a quarter of a mile in rear of Marmaduke. 

When Sergeant Hiner returned and reported that 
Blunt was not coming, he and I rode back to the summit 
of the divide and meeting Col. Blair, held a brief council 
of war. Marmaduke 's lines were in our immediate 
front and Fagan's troops in full view on the farther 
side of the creek. I said to Blair that we must break 
those lines north of the creek with a charge, and force 
a general battle; else Price would be in Fort Scott that 
night. 

CHAEGE OF COLONELS PHILLIPS AND BENTEEN 

Just then two of Pleasonton's brigades, commanded 
by Colonels Phillips and Benteen, were coming up the 
hill, or rather a gentle ascending slope, with Phillips in 
advance to the right of the road and Benteen in his left 
rear on the opposite side. After consulting a few min- 
utes while these brigades were advancing, Hiner and I 
rode down, and, meeting the commanding officer of the 
nearest brigade (who I afterwards learned was Colonel 
Phillips of Pleasonton's division), I explained to him 
the position of the enemy, and suggested that he form 
his brigade and move forward in position for a charge. 
I told him that I would see the commanding officer of 
the other advancing brigade and ask him to do likewise. 

While Colonel Phillips was forming his brigade and 
moving forward to the summit of the elevated plateau, 



160 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

directly in front of Marmaduke's left and centre, I 
rode over and explained to the commanding officer of 
the other advancing brigade — Lieutenant-Colonel Ben- 
teen — the situation of the enemy's lines, and asked him 
to form for a charge on the left of Phillips's brigade, 
then in line under a raking fire from the Rebel artillery. 

In forming his line Colonel Benteen made a mistake 
by throwing his brigade left-front into line and leaving 
a gap between his right and Phillips's left — plainly 
visible to Marmaduke. Benteen should have thrown 
his rear regiment right-front into line and filled up the 
gap. His line as formed extended far beyond Marma- 
duke 's right flank, while Phillips's right did not reach 
quite as far as Marmaduke's left. 

The lines of Phillips and Benteen, when formed, 
faced almost due south, while Marmaduke's first line 
conformed to a bend in the creek, which on his right 
rear extended north several hundred yards from a due 
east-and-west line. That, of course, brought Benteen 's 
line proportionately nearer to Marmaduke's right than 
was Phillips's right to Marmaduke's left. Besides, it 
brought Marmaduke's right almost opposite Benteen 's 
centre and that was why one of his regiments had to 
move from left to right of his brigade after the charge 
had been sounded. 

By reason of Marmaduke's lines extending in a 
northeasterly direction from left to right, Phillips's 
brigade had to ride in the charge some two hundred 
yards farther than Benteen 's before the crash came; 
and again, Phillips 's brigade, while in line waiting for 
Benteen to form, was under a galling fire from the en- 
emy's artillery, which was kept up from the moment he 
ordered or sounded the charge until his line was within 
fifty paces of Marmaduke's first line. 

Both brigades advanced to the charge about the 
same instant, but Benteen having less distance to ride, 
struck and staggered Marmaduke 's extreme right while 
Phillips was yet advancing; but within two minutes the 



price's retreat and escape 161 

additional distance was covered and the clash of s'ieel 
rang aloud all along the line. In good time Major Hop- 
kins with his battalion dashed in and closed the gap be- 
tween the two brigades. For twenty minutes, officers 
and men, Feds and Confeds, were all mixed in a life 
and death struggle. The roar of musketry, the rattle 
of rifles and pistols, the clash of sabres, and the shrieks 
of the wounded, created a scene that was perfectly 
awful. 

Steadily the gallant Union soldiers cut their way 
through the red glare and over a wall of guns and bat- 
teries of artillery, until the shouts of victory were heard 
over and above the din of battle. Slowly the enemy's 
lines melted away, and one by one their Generals, Col- 
onels, and battalions laid down their arms and passed 
to the rear as prisoners of war. My sword was not laid 
down, but in the thick of the fight it was shivered in 
pieces on a gun that protected the head of a fighting 
Rebel. 

Within thirty minutes after his lines were broken, 
Marmaduke and the flower of his division were prison- 
ers, and the remainder of his troops were fleeing as 
though they expected the devil to take the hindmost. 
They threw away their guns and fell over each other 
while crossing Mine Creek. General Fagan, seeing 
Marmaduke 's disaster, halted and formed his division 
in line of battle about a quarter of a mile to cover the 
retreat of those who might escape. 

Phillips and Benteen, with their men whose horses 
were serviceable, and Major Hopkins, with a light bat- 
talion of the Second Kansas, and Captain Green, with 
two companies of the Second Colorado, followed the re- 
treating Rebels across the creek and captured prisoners 
within range of Fagan 's line. 

"Wlien the broad prairie between the creek and 
Fagan 's line was cleared of fleeing Rebels, we began 
forming a line south of the creek and in Fagan 's 
immediate front for a second charge. I threw 



162 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Major Hopkins and Captain Green with their battal- 
ions on the right. Phillips's men that had crossed the 
creek were rapidly forming in the centre, and Benteen's 
men who had crossed lower down were coming into line 
on the left. 

We already had in our new line about one thousand 
men, and were waiting for two or three companies of 
Benteen's brigade that were coming at a gallop. A sec- 
ond charge would have been made in less than ten min- 
utes, had it not been for an order from General Pleas- 
onton to remain where we were until further orders 
were received. On receipt of this order, I naturally 
supposed that he was coming to the front with the 
remainder of his division to take advantage of the de- 
moralized condition of the enemy produced by the first 
charge. 

Marmaduke's division, for fighting purposes, had 
been utterly destroyed and all the officers and soldiers 
at the front knew that fact. That the demoralization 
would extend to Fagan's division, we had good reason 
to believe ; and on that account we were preparing for 
a second charge. After the order to halt was received, 
the remainder of Benteen 's men who were south of the 
creek came up and completed the formation of the new 
line. 

Then and there, we had about twelve hundred and 
fifty men, burning with zeal and flushed with victory, 
facing about an equal number of Price's demoralized 
troops on the open prairie ; and yet we were not allowed 
to move. For twenty minutes the men sat erect in their 
saddles waiting impatiently for the order to advance. 
While thus waiting, the enemy in our front broke from 
line into column and left the field in haste. Our line 
was then broken up, and the officers and men rejoined 
their respective commands. 

While Phillips and Benteen were exterminating 
Marmaduke's division by a most gallant and desperate 
cavalry charge, and while their men, reinforced by the 



price's retreat and escape 163 

Kansas and Colorado battalions, were in line awaiting 
the order for a second charge, the three major-generals 
in command of the army and the divisions remained at 
the rear with most of their troops and artillery, seem- 
ingly indifferent about what was going on at the front. 
One entire division — except two light battalions, 
and two brigades of the other division, all commanded 
by generals — was held back in the rear while two 
young colonels with their brigades forged their way 
to the front and destroyed Marmaduke 's division. Had 
these two colonels with their light brigades been sup- 
ported by the generals and their troops, as they should 
have been. Price and his army would have been elimin- 
ated from the Confederate equation before the sun went 
down on that memorable day. 

GENERAL PRICE 's REPORT 

I was in the immediate front from daylight in the 
morning until eleven o 'clock at night, and I know who 
did the work and deserves the credit. To prove that 
the Rebel army under General Price was shattered into 
fragments and utterly demoralized by the charge which 
resulted in the capture of General Marmaduke, his ar- 
tillery, brigade commanders, and the flower of his divi- 
sion, I quote an extract from Price's official report as 
follows : 

Washington, Ark., December 28, 1864. 
General : 

. . . On reaching Little Osage River I sent forward 
a direction to Brigadier-General Shelby to fall back to my 
position in rear of Jackman's brigade for the purpose of 
attacking and capturing Fort Scott, where I learned there 
were 1,000 negroes under arms. At the moment of his 
reaching me I received a despatch from Major-General Mar- 
maduke, in the rear, informing me that the enemy, 3,000 
strong, were in sight of his rear, with lines still extending, 
and on the note Major-General Fagan had indorsed that he 
would sustain Major-General Marmaduke. I immediately 
ordered Brigadier-General Shelby to take his old brigade, 



164 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

which was on my immediate right, and return to the rear as 
rapidly as possible to support Major-Generals Fagan and 
Marmaduke. I immediately mounted my horse and rode 
back at a gallop, and after passing the rear of the train I met 
the divisions of Major-Generals Fagan and Marmaduke 
retreating in utter and indescribable confusion, many of them 
having thrown away their arms. They were deaf to all 
entreaties or commands, and in vain were all efforts to rally 
them. From them I received the information that Major- 
General Marmaduke, Brigadier-General Cabell, and Colonel 
Slemons, commanding brigades, had been captured, with 300 
or 400 of their men and all their artillery (5 pieces) . . . 

Sterling Price, 
Major-General, Commanding.* 
Brig. Gen. W. R, Boggs, 

Chief of Staff, Shreveport, La. 

This shows what might have been done if the Mine 
Creek charge had been followed by a second charge, 
which we were ready to make when the fatal order to 
halt was received. 

For two hours I remained with the battalions of 
Major Hopkins and Captain Green, where we halted 
until General McNeil came up with his brigade and re- 
quested me to go to the front with him. He, like Phil- 
lips and Benteen, was full of fight and fire. He inspired 
his men to deeds of daring by the example of his own 
heroic valor. The Kansas battalion, a part of which 
had formerly been his body-guard, was ordered to the 
front as the advance guard. On approaching the brakes 
of the Little Osage, about six miles south of Mine Creek, 
McNeil struck General Shelby's brigades, which had 
been called back from the front to save the wreckage of 
Price 's army, remaining after the onslaught of Phillips 
and Benteen in the morning. 

BATTLE OF THE LITTLE OSAGE, OCTOBER 25, 1864 

Shelby, by all odds, was the skilful general of 
Price 's army, and his division was the last of the bold 

*Eebe]lion Eecords, Vol XLI, Part I, pp. 636-637. 



price's retreat and escape 165 

raiders who flaunted the flag of defiance as they rode 
into Missouri; who routed General Ewing at Pilot 
Knob, baffled Rosecrans at St. Louis, drove the Feder- 
als into their entrenchments at Jefferson City, and 
frightened Curtis at Kansas City. Marmaduke was the 
next ; and Fagan, as a general, was passable. 

At the Little Osage Shelby, with his war-scarred vet- 
erans, was brought to the rear as a forlorn hope. He 
formed on the undulating ground a mile north of the 
Osage in the edge of the timber, and awaited the com- 
ing of McNeil 's brigade. He had not long to wait. With 
a whirl McNeil 's brigade went into line and then stead- 
ily moved forward until the lines locked in the embrace 
of victory or death. 

After a most terrific struggle Shelby's line began to 
waver, when one of McNeil's regiments in my imme- 
diate front made a sudden dash, instantly followed by 
the other regiments with their commander roaring like 
a lion. For a few minutes the men of the two contend- 
ing forces wielded their weapons without fear, favor, 
or affection. Step by step Shelby's men yielded, and 
finally fled in confusion to the river with the Federals 
close on their heels. 

After crossing the river, Shelby rallied a part of his 
men and tried to make a stand ; but it was brief. Again, 
one mile south of the river, Shelby rallied all his forces 
with a part of Fagan 's division, and prepared for an- 
other desperate struggle. His position here was well 
chosen and his line difficult of approach. At places the 
sides of the hill were steep, rugged, and covered with 
underbrush ; but slowly McNeil 's men worked their way 
to the top, and then for about forty minutes blows were 
given and blows received. 

It was a square stand-up-and-knock-down fight. But 
finally, Shelby's men, as they had done at the engage- 
ment north of the river, reeled and staggered to the 
rear, leaving their wounded and two pieces of artillery 
on the field. This loss, with the six guns captured at 



166 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Mine Creek, rendered Price helpless in so far as his 
artillery was concerned. 

From this last engagement south of the river, 
Shelby fell back to the junction of the Fort Scott and 
Marmiton roads, followed closely by General McNeil. 
On reaching this point late in the afternoon. Price with 
his train and a host of unarmed soldiers and recruits, 
had taken the left hand or Marmiton Road leading back 
into Missouri, and halted about a mile from the junc- 
tion, on the open prairie. Shelby formed the fragment 
of his division at the junction of the roads, and was dis- 
lodged and driven back on Price's rear by McNeil's 
brigade in less than thirty minutes. 

GENEKAL, SHELBY 's REPOET 

Everything indicated that the enemy was out of 
ammunition, and his last stand was purely a game of 
bluff. In his pathetic report of these engagements, on 
that memorable day. General Shelby shows the desper- 
ate condition of Price's army at the close of the last 
onset. He says : 

Headquarters Shelby's Division, December — , 1864. 
Colonel : 

. . . Day and night the retreat was continued until 
the evening of the 25th, when my division, marching leisurely 
in front of the train, was ordered hastily to the rear to pro- 
tect it, while flying rumors came up constantly that Marma- 
duke and Cabell were captured, with all their artillery. 
Leaving Colonel Jackman with his brigade to watch well my 
left flank and guard the train, I hastened forward with 
Thompson's brigade and Slayback's regiment to the scene of 
action. I soon met beyond the Osage River the advancing 
Federals, flushed with success and clamorous for more vic- 
tims. I knew from the beginning that I could do nothing 
but resist their advance, delay them as much as possible, and 
depend on energy and night for the rest. 

The first stand was made one mile north of the Osage 
River, where the enemy was worsted; again upon the river- 
bank, and again I got away in good condition. Then taking 



price's retreat and escape 167 

position on a high hill one mile south of the river, I halted 
for a desperate struggle. The enemy advanced in over- 
whelming numbers and with renewed confidence at the sight 
of the small force in front of them ; for Captains Langhorne 
and Adams and Lieutenant-Colonel Nichols with their com- 
mands were ahead of the train on duty. The fight lasted 
nearly an hour, but I was at last forced to fall back. 

Pressed furiously, and having to cross a deep and treach- 
erous stream, I did not offer battle again until gaining a large 
hill in front of the entire army, formed in line of battle, 
where I sent orders to Colonel Jackman to join me imme- 
diately. It was a fearful hour. The long and weary days 
of marching and fighting were culminating, and the narrow 
issue of life or death stood out all dark and barren as a rainy 
sea. The fight was to be made now, and General Price, with 
the pilot's wary eye, saw the storm-cloud sweep down, 
growing larger and larger and darker and darker. They 
came upon me steadily and calm. I waited until they came 
close enough and gave them volley for volley, shot for shot. 
For fifteen minutes both lines stood the pelting of the leaden 
hail without flinching, and the incessant roar of musketry 
rang out wildly and slirill, all separate sounds blending in a 
universal crash. The fate of the army hung upon the result, 
and our very existence tottered and tossed in the smoke of 
the strife. The red sun looked down upon the scene, and the 
redder clouds floated away with angry sullen glare. Slowly, 
slowly my old brigade was melting away. . . . 

Jos. 0. Shelby, 
Brigadier-General, Commanding Division.* 
Lieut. Col. L. A. Maclean, 

Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of Missouri. 

As Shelby says, it was for them '' a fearful hour." 
The fate of their army, as he verily believed, hung upon 
the result. But nobody was " tossed in the smoke " of 
battle, and nobody on our side, in so far as I ever heard, 
was either killed, wounded, or turned up missing. It 
was simply a lively skirmish. Shelby had an irregular 
line formed out on the prairie; and General McNeil 
moved his brigade forward at a steady walk and fired 

•Rebellion Eecords, Vol. XLI, Part I, pp. 659-660. 



168 BLINSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

two or three volleys. Shelby's men fired a scattering 
volley, and like the "red clouds, floated away with an- 
gry sullen glare. ' ' 

Then McNeil dismounted his brigade. I rode back 
about a mile and, meeting General Curtis, told him that 
it was all over ; and in my opinion General Price was 
waiting to surrender. I further told him that two 
brigades of Pleasonton's troops had smashed the divi- 
sions of Marmaduke and Fagan to pieces and captured 
their artillery in the morning, and that General Mc- 
Neil had just completed the destruction of Shelby's 
division, leaving Price helpless and stranded over there 
on the prairie. 

Price 's army was then halted in full view on the left- 
hand road leading to Missouri. General Pleasonton 
had just passed with his di\^sion, except McNeil's 
brigade, and taken the road to Fort Scott ; and General 
Blunt, with his division, which had not fired a shot dur- 
ing the day, was then passing around McNeil on the 
same road. Curtis immediately sent staff officers for- 
ward to each of these Generals, ordering them to halt 
and form on McNeil's brigade, which was within half 
a mile of Price's helpless troops. But neither of them 
paid the slightest attention to Curtis 's order. 

General Curtis, finding himself impotent and help- 
less, directed General McNeil to remain at the junction 
of the roads during the night ; and when Blunt 's divi- 
sion had passed, he dropped in the rear and rode away 
to Fort Scott, leaving McNeil with a light brigade 
within close striking distance of Price's army. 

Seeing Curtis 's army move off on the road toward 
Fort Scott, Price gathered up his fragments and limped 
off over the divide to the Marmiton River and went 
into camp. McNeil camped on the ground where the 
last skirmish had taken place, and I remained with him 
until 11 P. M., when I took a light escort and rode into 
Fort Scott. 



price's retreat and escape 169 

price demoealized 

That was the end of the Price Raid, in so far as 
fighting was concerned. It was the end of Price 's army 
as a factor in the Confederacy. Like the serpent of old, 
with its fangs drawn and spine dislocated, it dragged 
its weary body over the divide and down to the sluggish 
waters of the Marmiton River, where it writhed in 
agony until 2 A. M. During the night General Price 
issued an order of which the following is a copy : 

Headquarters Army op Missouri, 

Camp No. 52, October 25, 1864. 
General Orders, 
No. 22 

I. The army will march to-morrow at 2 A. M. in the 
following order: First, Major-General Pagan's division; 
second, army and ordnance train ; third, Major-General Mar- 
maduke's division; fourth, Brigadier-General Shelby's divi- 
sion. Major-General Pagan will detach a brigade to march 
on the right flank of the train. Colonel Tyler's brigade will 
march on the right flank of the train in rear of the brigade 
of Major-General Pagan's division. 

II. The army train, with the following exceptions, will 
be parked under directions of division commanders and 
burnt before leaving camp : Pirst, one-half the army head- 
quarters wagons; second, there is allowed to each division 
headquarters one wagon, with ambulance for commanding 
officer; third, one wagon for brigade headquarters; fourth, 
one wagon for each brigade; fifth, one medical wagon for 
each division; sixth, all the ordnance wagons absolutely 
required; seventh, all the ambulances and carriages (except 
buggies, which are to be burnt) will be turned over to the 
division quartermaster for the use of the division surgeon, to 
be used only for conveying the sick and wounded; eighth, 
all the serviceable stock to be retained by the division and 
brigade quartermasters for use as may be required; ninth, 
no enlisted man under any circumstances to have a led horse. 
No white man between the ages of seventeen and fifty to be 
used by ofificers for this or any other purpose beyond his 
military duty. 

III. Private families travelling with the army will be 



170 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

allowed such spring vehicles only as are absolutely requisite 
for their transportation. 

IV. The inspector-general and chief quartermaster will 
examine the train on the march and assist in carrying out 
this order. 
By command of Maj. Gen. S. Price: 

L. A. Maclean,* 
Lieutenant-Colonel and Assistant Adjutant General. 

Price was now out of Kansas and back in his own 
State, which his mob of bushwhackers, recruits, de- 
serters, and camp-followers had, with his knowledge, 
plundered from one end to the other. To these red- 
handed assassins and renegades were largely due the 
disasters that befell the divisions of Marmaduke, 
Fagan, and Shelby. Such cattle must necessarily have 
embarrassed the fighting troops at every turn in the 
road. From this dismal camp on the Marmiton, the 
remnant of Price's shattered forces, after destroying 
their baggage and burning their wagons, started early 
and travelled late. On the retreat they were burdened 
only with wounds, bruises, and sad recollections. 

At the same time the buccaneers, bushwhackers, de- 
serters, and camp-followers, who had been gathered in 
and harbored by General Price — to his everlasting 
discredit — moved off in other directions in search of 
innocent and defenceless victims whom they could rob 
and murder in their zeal to help to establish the South- 
em Confederacy. 

General Price, with his real soldiers, passed on down 
by way of Carthage, Neosho, Pineville, and Maysville 
to Cane Hill, where he stopped a few days to take stock 
and count noses. By this time his regular troops, offi- 
cers, and men were thoroughly demoralized and clam- 
oring for furloughs and leaves of absence. As shown 
by the subsequent reports of his officers and the evi- 
dence submitted to a Court of Inquiry and published in 
the Rebellion Records, Price and his army while on 

*Eebellion Records, Vol. XLI, Part IV, pp. 1013-1014. 



* price's retreat and escape 171 

their raid in and through Missouri, degenerated into a 
lawless mob with no discipline whatever. 

From Cane Hill they scattered to the four winds, 
and Price's army became a thing of the past, '' gone 
but not forgotten." His troops, like the Macedonians 
on their return from India, wanted to go home; and, 
unlike the Macedonians, they went. Two of his gen- 
erals, with skeleton commands, stuck to the hull until 
it reached the south bank of the Arkansas, when Fagan 
marched east, Shelby west, and Marmaduke stayed 
back as our guest. 

General Price, like Napoleon from Moscow, faced 
the November storms and jogged along southward, 
wrapped in thoughts of the wreckage occasioned by his 
indiscretion. He may have been an honest man and a 
good citizen, but he was not a skilful general. He had 
no conception of the formation of a line of battle, nor 
did he know how to handle troops in action. If he had 
a division composed of three or four brigades, instead 
of throwing his whole force into line and crushing his 
opponent, he would send in his brigades one at a time 
and see them slaughtered in detail ; and the same with 
his divisions — just as he did at Mine Creek, the Little 
Osage, and Jenkins 's Ferry. I saw his troops in action 
at Wilson's Creek, Jenkins's Ferry, Westport, Mine 
Creek, and the Little Osage, and in none of these en- 
gagements did he have more than one-third of his force 
in action at one time. 

But he was not the only general of the Civil War 
who lacked many of the essential elements of general- 
ship. There were others. Many major-generals in 
both the Union and Confederate armies, appointed 
through political influence, were absolutely incapable 
of handling troops or even of taking care of themselves 
on the field of battle. Nor did this apply exclusively 
to major-generals. There were still others, and all 
such should have resigned or been dismissed the serv- 
ice when their incompetency was clearly established. 



172 ELAJfSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

But fortunately the political drones, artful dodgers, 
and abject cowards were not all on one side. 

General Price finally reached his old stamping 
ground in Southwest Arkansas with a handful of his 
hungry, bedrabbled followers, and immediately entered 
upon a defensive campaign involving his reputation 
as an officer and a gentleman. To settle all disputes, 
charges, and counter-charges among Confederate of- 
ficers, growing out of the raid through Missouri, a 
Court of Inquiry was established, the proceedings of 
which may be found in the Rebellion Records. 

Late in the afternoon of October 25, when the fight- 
ing was all over, and General Price's army stood 
helpless out on the prairie within speaking distance, 
half-clad and without ammunition, artillery, food, or 
forage. Generals Curtis, Blunt, and Pleasonton came up 
and without halting moved past on the road to Fort 
Scott, leaving General McNeil and his brigade without 
support, if Price and his troops had been in condition 
to fight. 

Instead of moving around McNeil on the west, en 
route to Fort Scott, they should have moved around 
Price on the east and halted long enough for him to 
surrender. That would have saved the Generals a deal 
of trouble and their tired troops and jaded horses un- 
told hardships. 

THE PURSUIT 

On the morning of October 26, Generals Curtis, 
Blunt, and Pleasonton held a powwow in Fort Scott to 
consider the question of further pursuit. Generals 
Grant, Halleck, and Rosecrans were exceedingly anx- 
ious to have Price and his army captured. But the 
three major-generals conducting the pursuit were an 
inharmonious set. No one would respect the orders 
or wishes of the other, and Rosecrans was eighty miles 
away, powerless to bring order out of chaos. 

Curtis 's incompetency was plainly visible to Blunt 



price's retreat and escape 178 

and Pleasonton; Blunt 's rebellious — if not mutinous 

— conduct from the Marais des Cygnes to Fort Scott 
was observed by Pleasonton and understood by Curtis ; 
and Pleasonton 's deliberate disobedience of Curtis 's 
orders, in leaving the field and moving into Fort Scott, 
was apparent to all. It was a muddle disgraceful and 
detrimental to the service. Whatever their grievances, 
one with another, they were all to blame; and they, 
each and all, in due time received their punishment. 

That Blunt and Pleasonton each had a justifiable 
grievance, no one familiar with the facts will dispute ; 
but that was not the time nor the place to settle such 
matters. Instead of leaving the field at the close of 
day, when the enemy was within easy reach. Blunt and 
Pleasonton should have thrown their divisions in line 
and settled with Price first, and with Curtis afterwards. 

Had McNeil, Phillips, or Benteen, whose brigades 
had done substantially all the fighting that day, been 
there alone with their troops. Price and his army would 
have been prisoners of war before the sun went down. 
But that was not to be. '' To Fort Scott or bust " was 
emblazoned on the escutcheons of the major-generals 

— and to Fort Scott they went. 

Thus three times in three days Price had been in a 
trap, and each time he was allowed to escape. At In- 
dependence, Curtis left the door open ; and he walked 
out. At Mine Creek, Blunt refused to come to the 
front; and Pleasonton prevented a second charge. If 
Blunt had come, or Pleasonton kept still. Price and his 
army would have been ours before the halt was 
sounded. 

At the forks of the road where the last fighting oc- 
curred, the major-generals were again at fault for leav- 
ing the field before the work was finished. All day long 
they lingered in the rear, and knew not the helpless 
condition of Price and his troops. Invariably they 
reached the fighting ground after the advance had done 
its work and passed on. In that brilliant charge of 



174 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Phillips and Benteen at Mine Creek, when they swept 
everything before them on the north side and dashed 
across and were rounding up the prisoners, General 
Pleasonton reached the summit of the plateau from 
which the charge was made and opened fire on his own 
men who had crossed the creek. 

It was subsequently asserted that only four shots 
were fired. That is a mistake. Sergeant Hiner and I 
were among the first to cross the creek in pursuit of the 
fleeing Rebels, and while we and many others were 
gathering up prisoners within range of Fagan's line, 
which had formed to cover Marmaduke's retreat, the 
artillery opened fire from the rear and drove all our 
men on the extreme left back to shelter. 

As proof of this I quote from the report of one of 
the officers as follows: 

Headquarters Fourth Iowa Cavalry, 

Diamond Grove, October 27, 1864. 
Major-General Curtis: 

. . . We advanced so far into the enemy's ranks that 
Major-General Pleasonton ordered our own battery to shell 
us, thinking we were the retreating enemy, and my men were 
obliged to scatter to avoid being cut to pieces by our own 
shells. I should have called to see you. General, had not I 
received a severe wound in my foot which prevents my riding 
my horse. 

A. R. Pierce, 
Major, Commanding Fourth Iowa Veteran Cavalry.* 

Again, Colonel Cloud of +he Second Kansas Cav- 
alry, being at the front when the artillery opened, rode 
back to the rear where the battery was planted, and told 
General Pleasonton, who was near the guns, that he 
was firing on his own men. Pleasonton, who had just 
reached the field, snubbed Cloud and continued firing 
until an officer rode back from beyond the creek where 
the men were pursuing and capturing the retreating 
Rebels and told him that he was killing his own men. 

^Rebellion Records, Vol. XLI, Part IV, p. 290. 



price's retreat and escape 175 

He then gave the order to cease firing, after he had 
driven the Fourth Iowa Cavalry from that part of the 
field. 

Had Pleasonton or any one of the major-generals 
been at the front, where they belonged, this and many 
other inexcusable blunders would not have occurred. 
Their conduct during the entire day Avas the reverse of 
what it should have been ; and the same is true of Cur- 
tis and Pleasonton after they reached Fort Scott. They 
wrangled like children all the next forenoon over the 
highly important question, whether the prisoners and 
captured artillery should go to Leavenworth or St. 
Louis. Next they differed on the question of pursuing 
Price. Then Pleasonton contended that he and his 
troops were not subject to the orders of General Cur- 
tis; and so the wrangle became worse and worse en- 
tangled, until Pleasonton submitted the questions of 
dispute to General Rosecrans, who replied as follows : 

Headquarters Cavalry Division, 

Fort Scott, October 27, 1864. 
Major-General Curtis, 

Commanding Department of Kansas: 
General: Major-General Rosecrans has just telegraphed 
me instructions from Warrensburg to send Generals San- 
born's and McNeil's brigades to their respective districts 'at 
Springfield and Rolla, and to conduct the remaining brigades 
with the captured prisoners and property of their commands 
to Warrensburg. I shall therefore start to-morrow morning 
to execute these orders. 

I remain. General, very respectfully, your obedient 
servant, 

A. Pleasonton, 
Major-General Commanding.* 

On receipt of this despatch General Curtis got busy 
and sent a despatch to General Halleck, of which the 
following is a copy: 

*Eebellion Records, Vol. XLI, Part IV, p. 287. 



176 kansas in the sixties 

Headquarters Army of the Border, 

Newtonia, Mo., Octoher 29, 1864—5 A. M. 
Ma J. Gen. H. W. Halleck, Chief -of -Staff : 

After our victory last night I started the troops at 3 this 
morning in farther pursuit of Price, General McNeil in 
advance, when orders from General Rosecrans, through 
Pleasonton, were received, taking McNeil to Rolla and San- 
born to Springfield, and otherwise disposing of all other 
troops, including my prisoners, who remained in the rear. 
I am left with only the fragments of my own regular volun- 
teers, not exceeding 1,000 fit for duty; and deeming it 
improper to continue a pursuit in another department, sus- 
pended by its proper commander, I shall return by slow 
marches to my own department command. 

S. R. Curtis, 
Major-General.* 

Halleck informed General Grant of what his gen- 
erals were doing and not doing in Missouri. Grant 
was a true soldier, and had no use for fuss and feath- 
ers ; nor patience with envy and jealousy. By a single 
despatch he caused five major-generals, who had been 
following Price around over Missouri for thirty days, 
to stand up and take notice. 

HIS ESCAPE 

Price, with his bedragled fragments of an army, had 
slipped the halter and was gone, but they were ordered 
to follow him to the Arkansas River. Blunt, with a 
light brigade of cavalry, was already in pursuit. Gen- 
eral Curtis followed, and reached Carthage on the 
twenty-eighth, where he was joined by Generals San- 
bom and McNeil with their brigades, who had pre- 
viously been ordered by Rosecrans to Springfield and 
Rolla. General Rosecrans, with A. J. Smith's com- 
mand, was at Warrensburg, a hundred miles away. 
Pleasonton was in Fort Scott; and Phillips and Ben- 
teen, with their exhausted brigades, were struggling 

"Rebellion Eecords, Vol. XLI, Part IV, p. 318. 



price's retreat and escape 177 

along on Price's trail in obedience to orders issued by 
generals ; not with the expectation of overtaking Price, 
but manifestly for the purpose of hiding their own 
moccasin tracks. At Newtonia on the afternoon of the 
twenty-eighth, Blunt and Sanborn had a skirmish with 
Shelby 's cavalry ; and that was the last of the fighting, 
in so far as the pursuit of Price was concerned. 

General Curtis remained in Newtonia until the thir- 
tieth, when he moved west six miles to Neosho and de- 
spatched General Rosecrans as follows : 

Headquarters Army of the Border, 
In the Field, Neosho, Oct. 30, 1864 — 1 A. M. 
General Rosecrans : 

An order just received from Lieutenant-General Grant, 
directing the pursuit of Price to be continued to the Arkansas 
River, seems to conflict with your order directing the troops 
of General Pleasonton to their several districts. I have there- 
fore ordered your troops to resume the pursuit, supposing it 
will meet with your approbation, as there are no other troops 
suflficient to carry out the purpose of the lieutenant-general 
commanding. Since my militia has left me, your portion of 
the command has been much the greatest, and I have 
expected your arrival to assume the responsibilities of the 
movement against Price. 

S. R. Curtis, 
Major-General.* 

On the same day General Curtis despatched General 
A. J. Smith as follows : 

Headquarters Army of the Border, 
Neosho, Mo., Oct. 30, 1864 — 1 A. M. 
General A. J. Smith: 

Your despatch of the 27th instant is just received. After 
fighting Price at Newtonia last night he retreated toward 
Cassville. An order from General Rosecrans withdrew his 
troops, and I, not being strong enough without them, came 
thus far on my return. Orders just received from Lieu- 
tenant-General Grant induce me to resume the pursuit, I 
shall need infantry very much, but do not see how you will 

*Eebellion Records, Vol. XLI, Part IV, pp. 331-2. 



178 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

be able to overtake me except by conveying your men in 
wagons and travelling night and day. 

S. R. Curtis, 
Major-GeneraL* 

Foriowing this despatch General Curtis issued or- 
ders to the brigade commanders of Pleasonton's divis- 
ion, of which the following is a copy : 

Headquarters Army op the Border, 
In the Field, Neosho, Mo., October 30, 1864 — 1 A.M. 
Brig. Gen. John McNeil, 

Commanding Brigade in the Field: 
Despatches just received from Lieutenant-General Grant 
require me to continue the pursuit of Price to the Arkansas 
River. You will, therefore, proceed forthwith to Cassville, 
reporting to me with your command at that place. If you 
find Price's trail leaves the road, halt and inform me as soon 
as possible. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. R. Curtis, 
Major-General, Commanding.* 

The orders to Sanborn, Phillips, and Benteen were 
substantially the same as that to McNeil. When these 
orders were issued, Price, with what remained of his 
army, was at Maysville, fifty miles west of Cassville, 
the place of rendezvous. 

While Curtis was at Cassville, Price moved to Cane 
Hill and sent Fagan with a bunch of his worn-out troops 
over to Fayetteville for supplies. A detachment of the 
First Arkansas Cavalry, being on duty there, stood 
Fagan off and notified General Curtis, who had moved 
forward to the battlefield of Pea Ridge. On hearing 
of Pagan's proximity to Fayetteville General Curtis 
moved in that direction; and when Curtis moved, 
Fagan ran back to Cane Hill, and then General Price 
gathered up his luggage and pushed on to the Arkansas 
River. 

*Eebellion Records, Vol. XLI, Part IV, p. 332. 



price's retreat and escape 179 

In due time Curtis reached Fayetteville, and from 
there, by easy going, finally arrived at the Arkansas 
Eiver on November 8, 1864, eleven days out from Fort 
Scott. On arriving at the north bank of that long- 
sought river, General Curtis was informed that Price 
with the remnant of his raiders, all clad in their pa- 
jamas, had crossed the previous day and scattered 
*' like chaff before the wind." 

The old fox having made good his escape, General 
Curtis levelled his guns in the direction where he was 
last seen, and fired a national salute as a tribute to the 
masterly skill displayed by the commanding generals 
in rescuing the States of Missouri and Kansas from 
their perilous condition. He also fired a few spherical 
'sase-shot across the river at the trail Price left behind, 
*as a warning to evil-doers. 

THE LAST DITCH 

Thus ended the most reckless, ill-advised, disastrous 
raid from either army during the War of the Rebellion. 
General Price marched into Missouri with a mob of 
nine thousand undisciplined, unmanageable thieves, 
robbers, and murderers. Many of his ofiicers, but com- 
paratively few of his followers, were brave, gallant 
soldiers ; but his so-called army, as a whole, was a dis- 
grace to civilization. 

On the twenty-eighth of August, 1864, General Price 
and staff started from Camden, Arkansas ; August 30, 
he marched north with the di\'isions of Generals Fagan 
and Marmaduke, five thousand strong; September 6, 
he crossed the Arkansas River at Dardanelle, almost 
under the guns of Major-General Fred. Steele of the 
Federal Army ; September 16, he reached Pocahontas, 
and was there joined by General Shelby, who had pre- 
ceded him for the purpose of gathering up deserters, 
stragglers, and renegades who had been hiding out in 
the hills of Southern Missouri and Northern Arkansas. 

On the twenty-seventh of September he reached 



180 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Pilot Knob and attacked General Ewing's small com- 
mand with artillery at a distance. After shelling Fort 
Davidson all day, he withdrew to a place of safety for 
the night. With Shelby's division added and the de- 
serters and conscripts brought in by him, Price then 
had nine thousand men with him, while Ewing had 
about fifteen hundred. During the night Ewing retired 
taking with him such ordinance and stores as he could 
transport, and destroying the remainder. 

If Price had an army of nine thousand trained sol- 
diers, or half that number, why did he not attack 
Ewing in Pilot Knob or on the road to EoUa, with small 
arms ? Not once did he come within range of Colonel 
Fletcher's infantry regiment. That, of itself was suf- 
ficient to show General Rosecrans that Price was not 
in Missouri on a military expedition. 

From Pilot Knob General Price wound his way 
around over the hills, by way of Franklin to Jefferson 
City, without risking a battle anywhere, except when 
he met unarmed citizens or could find an isolated com- 
pany of State troops off their guard. Then his savage 
barbarians immediately became lions, ravenous for 
blood. 

On arriving at Jefferson City he mounted his white 
horse, Bucephalus, and made a display that was terrific 
to behold. Not knowing the man. General Grant would 
have been staggered by it, or Napoleon would have 
been driven across the Alps. All day on October the 
seventh, he raved and frothed, formed and reformed, 
and marched and countermarched, but never once did 
he or any of his cavaliers venture within range of the 
frowning Federal guns, backed as they were by a line 
of true blue, eager for the fray. But he did not ad- 
vance. He was there to be seen, not heard. The range 
of the field-glass was preferable to the range of musk- 
etry, and he was content to let well-enough alone. 

Like Renatus of Anjou, his line of battle was in the 
form of a crescent, with Marmaduke on the right, Fagan 



price's retreat and escape 181 

in the centre, and Shelby on the left. He foamed and 
looked fierce as he dashed to and fro on old Bucephalus, 
exciting his war-scarred veterans to deeds of daring. 
They had not assailed a chicken roost, robbed a smoke- 
house, or murdered an unarmed citizen since the pre- 
vious night, and they were fairly chafing for a chance 
to show their skill as savage warriors. 

Often while in line during the day their swords 
would leap from their scabbards and whirl through the 
air, cutting the pigeon wing, to scare the Federals, who 
were chafing for an opportunity to be " up and at 
'em." Thus the bluffers bluffed throughout the day, 
and when the dark mantle of night was spread, they 
sheathed their swords and stole silently away. 

This was further proof positive to General Rose- 
crans that Price did not mean to fight. From Jefferson 
City he moved on, ravaging the country as he went by 
way of Boonville and Lexington to Kansas City, where 
the whole gang should have been arrested and sent to 
the dry Tortugas. And yet, when we take into con- 
sideration the terrible ordeal through which General 
Price and his followers passed on their retreat from 
Kansas City back to the canebrakes of Arkansas, it is 
a question whether it were not best for us to let them 
flounder along, in haste, over bad roads, with scant sup- 
plies, to the last Confederate ditch, which to them was 
already in full view. 

The Price Raid was a stupendous blunder from the 
beginning. It tarnished the record of General Price, 
both as a man and a soldier, and wiped his army out of 
existence. It demoralized most of his officers and sol- 
diers, and rendered them unfit for future citizenship. 
It led to the destruction of vast quantities of property 
and the loss of many valuable lives after the downfall 
of the Confederacy was a certaintj^ 

When General Price, with a remnant of his raiders, 
returned to Camden, broken, discouraged, and dishon- 
ored, he was assailed by his superior and subordinate 



182 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

officers, and driven to the necessity of demanding a 
Court of Inquiry to place responsibility where it be- 
longed, and save his reputation as an officer and a gen- 
tleman. This Court listened to a vast amount of testi- 
mony from Confederate officers and soldiers, and then 
lay down and died with the Confederacy. 

With the crushing of this noted raid through Mis- 
souri and Kansas, my services as a soldier in the Civil 
War ceased, and I returned to the peaceful pursuits 
of life. After this there were no battles of importance 
west of the Mississippi. The Confederate Army, in 
what the enemy called the Trans-Mississippi Depart- 
ment, was hopelessly stranded in the last ditch. Their 
men were deserting and going home in squads; and 
their officers were looking one at another and saying, 
" I told you so." 

East of the Mississippi the war was still raging with 
great fury. Steadily the Union armies were closing 
in on the enemy and driving him slowly back — back 
to the last ditch. Grant had Lee bottled up in Peters- 
burg and Richmond ; Thomas was rounding up the frag- 
ments of Hood's army in Tennessee; Sherman was 
sweeping the field from Atlanta to the sea ; and Sheri- 
dan was settling the dispute with Jubal Early over in 
the Shenandoah Valley. 

Everywhere things were coming our way. The so- 
called Confederacy was on its last legs — tottering to 
the fall. The arch-conspirators who had caused all 
the trouble were floundering in the depths of dark de- 
spair, while their misguided army officers, who had 
often led their gallant soldiers to the muzzle of our 
guns, stood silent in the shadow of the lost cause, await- 
ing orders to take down the flag of treason. 

At the helm of the Government at Washington, with 
his strong right hand grasping the wlieel, and his great 
heart beating in unison with the step of his soldiers, 
stood Abraham Lincoln, the true, loyal, courageous 
pilot who had guided our ship through the storm to a 
harbor of safety. 



PART SECOND 



PART SECOND 



CHAPTER XIII 

ELECTION OP 1864 

DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION — GEO. B. m'cLELLAN 
NOMINATED FOR PRESIDENT. 

THE Presidential election in the Fall of 1864 was of 
vital importance to the cause of the Union. The 
War of the Rebellion was still raging, and conspirators 
at home and abroad were active in their efforts to de- 
stroy the Government of the United States. The home 
traitors wanted a President who would stop the war 
and allow them to establish a separate Government 
based upon the institution of slavery. The foreign con- 
spirators wanted to see the Union dissolved, and our 
Republican form of Government broken into frag- 
ments, which sooner or later would become involved in 
war among themselves and eventually become an easy 
prey to the avarice and greed of the despotic powers of 
Europe. 

Especially was this true of Louis Napoleon, the 
usurper and coward on the throne of France, who was 
at that time imploring the authorities of Great Britain 
to join him in recognizing the independence of the so- 
called Confederate Government. Also many of the 
English officials, including members of Parliament and 
others high in authority, were clamoring for the same. 
But Queen Victoria, the queen of queens, said *' No," 
and that left the Rebel cause in the hands of home tal- 

185 



186 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ent, with Napoleon's troops stranded on the plains of 
Mexico. 

Then, when all hopes of foreign intervention had 
vanished, and their armies were rapidly approaching 
the last ditch, the Confederate authorities, in the ago- 
nies of despair, undertook to save themselves and the 
wreckage of their folly by the aid of political bush- 
whackers in the loyal States. All their guns — rifle 
and smooth-bore, flint-lock and muzzle-loading, good, 
bad, and indifferent — were turned on Mr. Lincoln. 
Emissaries were sent by Jefferson Davis from Rich- 
mond into Canada to help to organize and discipline his 
allies in the extreme Northern States; and Rebel am- 
bassadors, by the score, were sent from Kentucky, Ten- 
nessee, and Missouri into Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa to 
help to organize and discipline the Anti-war Demo- 
crats, Knights of the Golden Circle, Sons of Liberty, 
Copperheads, Bounty-jumpers, and other similar char- 
acters in those States. In fact, everj^thing was done by 
the Rebel authorities that could be done to unite their 
dupes and sympathizers under the banner of Democ- 
racy, with the view of electing a President who would 
take down the American flag, call home the Federal 
troops, dissolve the Union, and let the slave-holding 
States go their way in peace. That was exactly the ob- 
ject and purpose of Jefferson Davis and his Northern 
allies. 

DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL C0N\rENTI0N 

The whole scheme was clearly revealed by the 
Democratic National Convention, which assembled at 
Chicago on the twenty-ninth of August, 1864. Hora- 
tio Seymour of New York, a notorious Rebel sym- 
pathizer, was made President of the Convention. On 
assuming the chair he made an extreme anti-war 
speech, which was cheered to the echo. C. L. Vallan- 
digham of Ohio, who had previously been banished 
for treasonable utterances, and then sent back by 



ELECTION OF 1864 187 

Jefferson Davis through Canada to attend the Conven- 
tion, was there, and a leading spirit on the committee 
of resolutions. The resolutions reported by Vallandig- 
ham, as the Democratic platform for that year and 
adopted by the Convention, were saturated with trea- 
son, and would have been ratified by every soldier in 
the Rebel army. Section II reads as follows : 

Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly declare, as 
the sense of the American people, that, after four years of 
failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during 
which, under the pretence of a military necessity of a war 
power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself 
has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and 
private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity 
of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, 
and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be 
made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate 
Convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the 
end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be 
restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the States. 

This man Vallandigham, who reported the plat- 
form from which the above is an extract, had previously 
been tried by a militarj- tribunal, convicted as a public 
enemy, and sent through the Federal lines as a crim- 
inal. The next heard of him, he was in Richmond tell- 
ing the Confederates what to do and how to do it. In 
an interview with commissioners, appointed by Davis 
to confer with the authorities at Washington on terms 
of peace, he said : '^ If you can only hold out this year 
[1864] the peace party of the North will sweep the 
Lincoln dynasty out of political existence." 

Having urged the Rebels to hold out for another 
year, and having otherwise given such aid and comfort 
to the enemy as lay within his power, he is next heard 
of in Canada with Clement C. Clay, James P. Holcombe, 
George N. Souders, and other Confederate agents, or- 
ganizing raids and plotting schemes of invasion, rob- 
bery, and murder along our northern frontier settle- 



188 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ments. And lastly, having made the rounds and done 
all he could against the Government and people of the 
United States, he sneaks back through the lines and 
bobs up in the Chicago Convention with a platform de- 
claring the war a failure, and demanding that the Union 
Army be called home and disbanded. 

Then with the " Lincoln dynasty swept out of po- 
litical existence, ' ' and the Eebel Government and army 
still " holding out," there would have been nothing 
more for Jefferson Davis and his army to do, except 
march over to Washington and distribute the spoils of 
war. In view of what the Confederate authorities said 
to Vallandigham while in Eichmond, and the ultimatum 
of President Davis, as expressed to Colonel James F. 
Jaques of the Seventy-third Illinois and J. R. Gilmore 
of New York, who visited him by permission of Mr. 
Lincoln, the audacity of Vallandigham and his commit- 
tee on resolutions was refreshing in the extreme. Nev- 
ertheless the committee was cheered to the echo, and 
the resolutions were adopted without a dissenting vote. 

When those resolutions were reported and adopted 
as the platform of the Democratic party, every mem- 
ber of the committee and every intelligent delegate in 
the Convention knew that nothing short of a dissolu- 
tion of the Union and the independence of the Confed- 
eracy would be considered by Jefferson Davis for a 
moment. Seymour, the President of the Convention, 
understood it; Vallandigham, who had talked with 
Davis and others at Richmond, understood it ; Colonel 
Marmaduke of Missouri, Colonel Grenfell of John Mor- 
gan's staff, and other Confederate officers who were 
delegates in the Convention, understood it. In fact all, 
except the chumps, knew exactly what the resolutions 
meant and the object and purpose at which they aimed. 

The empty words at the foot of the resolution 
quoted, — namely : '* to the end that at the earliest prac- 
ticable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of 
the Federal Union of the States," — in the face of the 



ELECTION OF 1864 189 

remainder of the resolution, and the known ultimatum 
of President Davis, were meaningless, except as a de- 
coy for ignorant but loyal Democratic voters. If a 
single doubt ever existed in the mind of an intelligent 
person of the North or of the South, as to the purpose 
and deteimination of Jefferson Davis, that doubt was 
removed by his ultimatum, delivered to Colonel Jaques 
of Illinois and Mr. Gilmore of New York in June, 1864. 

At the close of a protracted conference, President 
Davis said : 

The North was mad and blind; it would not let us gov- 
ern ourselves ; and so the War came ; and now it must go on 
till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his 
children seize his musket and fight our battle, unless you 
acknowledge our right to self-government. We are not fight- 
ing for slavery. We are fighting for Independence; that or 
extermination we will have. 

Again, at parting, Mr. Davis said to them : 
Say to Mr. Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any time 
be pleased to receive proposals for peace on the basis of our 
independence. It will be useless to approach me with any 
other. 

Thus it was settled and proclaimed to the world 
that the war must go on until the Confederacy was rec- 
ognized as an independent Government, or the people 
of the South were exterminated. And yet Seymour, 
Vallandigham, and their fellow-conspirators at Chi- 
cago were resolving that the Federal Army was the 
only obstacle in the way of peace and the restoration 
of Federal Union of all the States. 

Such absurdity would not have been attempted in a 
convention composed of intelligent, loyal citizens. Nor 
would the treasonable utterances of many of the dele- 
gates in that convention have been tolerated by any- 
body but traitors. Some of them soared aloft anc? 
hurled all sorts of things at the Union Army and the 
Lincoln dynasty. The dirtier and more vulgar they be- 
came, the louder they were cheered. 



190 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

One pure-minded, polished delegate (the Rev. Henry 
Clay Dean, of Iowa), smarting under the wounds that 
had been inflicted upon him by the " usurper, traitor, 
and tyrant " (Lincoln), sallied forth with spikes in his 
belt and poison on his lips, and proceeded to declare his 
sentiments thus: 

For over three years, Lincoln had been calling for men, 
and they had been given. But, with all the vast armies 
placed at his command, he had failed ! failed ! failed ! failed ! 
Such failure had never been known. Such destruction of hu- 
man life had never been seen since the destruction of Sen- 
nacherib by the breath of the Almighty. And still the mon- 
ster usurper wanted more men for his slaughter pens. . . . 
Ever since the usurper, traitor, and tyrant had occupied the 
Presidential chair, the Republican party had shouted " War 
to the knife, and the knife to the hilt ! ' ' Blood had flowed in 
torrents; and yet the thirst of the old monster was not 
quenched. His cry was for more blood. 

Not to be overshadowed by this patriot from the 
scrub-oaks of Iowa, in his devotion to the cause of the 
Union, the Hon. C. Chauncy Burr, of New Jersey, 
stepped to the front and proceeded to shake the raft- 
ers with his eloquence, clothed in polished language 
and well-rounded periods. Chauncy was an all-round 
master of men and was ready at all times to lead where 
duty called. He had read the '' Art of War in Eu- 
rope," guided the elephants at Arbela, snuffed the bat- 
tle of Marathon, and covered the retreat from Moscow ; 
and now he was ready to storm the gates of Camp 
Douglas and send home eight thousand Confederate 
gentlemen who had been ruthlessly torn from their be- 
loved homes in the South by Lincoln's army, and were 
then held at Camp Douglas as prisoners of war. In 
the course of his fierce onslaught, this orator further 
said : 

We had no right to burn their wheat-fields, steal their 
pianos, spoons, or jewelry. Mr. Lincoln had stolen a good 
many thousand negroes; but for every negro he had thus 



ELECTION OF 1864 191 

stolen, he had stolen ten thousand spoons. It had been said 
that, if the South would lay down their arms, they would 
be received back into the Union. The South could not hon- 
orably lay down her arms, for she was fighting for her honor. 
Two millions of men had been sent down to the slaughter- 
pens of the South, and the army of Lincoln could not again 
be filled, neither by enlistments nor conscription. If he ever 
uttered a prayer, it was that no one of the States of the 
Union should be conquered and subjugated. 

This astounding information concerning the theft 
of pianos, spoons, and negroes, by '' Mr. Lincoln and 
his boodlers," set the rang and file of the Convention 
on fire. The delegates shrieked for vengeance, and 
were clamorous to be led against Camp Douglas — 
'' the Black Hole of Calcutta," as they called it. Sey- 
mour, their presiding officer, tried to call the rabble to 
order, but it would not be called. The braves wanted 
their war-bonnets and a leader; and then good-bye to 
the '^ Lincoln dynasty," good-bye to the butchers in 
the slaughter-pens of the South, good-bye to the tyrant 
Lincoln, good-bye to Federal prisons ! 

They were going to hit the war-path, suppress the 
tyrant Lincoln, knock his army out, and turn things 
over to Jefferson Davis without waiting for the Presi- 
dential election. The more they were called to order, 
the louder they roared, until finally Colonel Grenfell 
(of the staff of John Morgan, the Rebel raider), and 
Colonel Marmaduke (brother of the Eebel General 
whom we captured at Mine Creek) stepped to the front 
and ordered them to be quiet. The disturbing elements 
having been assuaged and order restored, Judge Mil- 
ler, a meek and mild-mannered patriot from Ohio, pro- 
ceeded to tell the Convention all about the peculiarities 
and characteristics of War Democrats. 

It so happened that a great many of the brave boys 
in blue, who were then at the front battering down the 
walls of treason, had originally been Jeffersonian Dem- 
ocrats in the state of Ohio. Generals Grant, Sherman, 



192 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Sheridan, Buell, Stedman, the two Mitchels, and many 
other gallant Union officers of Democratic proclivities, 
were sons of that glorious State. 

But who and what were these men in comparison to 
the valiant Vallandigham of Ohio, the noble Dean of 
Iowa, and gallant ex-Rev. C. Chauncy Burr of the great 
commonwealth of New Jersey. Echo might have an- 
swered, but for that renowned jurist, philosopher, and 
statesman. Judge Miller of Ohio, who forged his way 
to the front and in stentorian tones said : * ' There is no 
real difference between a War Democrat and an Aboli- 
tionist. They are links of one sausage, made out of the 
same dog." 

Thus the delegates being enlightened on all im- 
portant matters, the Convention was prepared to nom- 
inate a candidate for the Presidency who would sweep 
the country like a prairie fire. Then the great question 
was, Who would be the most available man? The Con- 
federate Army officers and Rebel delegates from Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky, and Missouri wanted General Lee. 
Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa wanted Jefferson Davis; 
and Ohio, Delaware, New York, and New Jersey 
wanted a Northern man with secession proclivities — a 
Rebel sympathizer who would stand pat on the plat- 
form just adopted. 

GEO. B, m'cLELLAN NOMINATED FOR PRESIDENT 

After skirmishing, beating the brush, and scouring 
the woods all round in search of a candidate who could 
deceive the greater number of voters, someone discov- 
ered George B. McClellan, in Barcus Alley, nursing his 
wounds and vowing eternal vengeance against the ' ' ty- 
rannical dynasty " at Washington, and in a loud voice 
exclaimed ** Eureka! " The name of George B. Mc- 
Clellan was not entirely satisfactory^ to Vallandigham 
and the ultra '' let-'em-go-in-peace "delegates, because 
he had at one time worn the Federal uniform as an 
officer in the Armv. But when reminded that he was 



ELECTION OF 18ti4 193 

not an officer to hurt, but merely a grand stand per- 
former, heavy on dress parade and hasty on the retreat, 
all objections were removed, and he was unanimously 
nominated amid cheers and Rebel yells. 

After another lively skirmish, George H. Pendle- 
ton, of Ohio, who had opposed the war at every step 
taken by Mr. Lincoln for the preservation of the Union, 
was nominated for Vice-President. 

McClellan had led the Potomac Army — at that 
time the finest and best equipped army the world had 
even seen — to the walls of Richmond, and finding the 
gates wide open, turned around without a battle and 
beat a hasty retreat to a place of safety, without the 
loss of a man. Such skill was seldom equalled and 
never surpassed in modem or ancient warfare, and 
yet it did not please the authorities at Washington, 
who at the proper time gave the distinguished General 
indefinite leave of absence. Hence he was discovered 
by the Chicago Convention as the man of all men to 
lead where traitors could follow. 



CHAPTER XIV 

NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION OF 1864 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN NOMINATED FOR RE-ELECTION RE- 
SULT OF THE ELECTION THE CONFEDERACY DOOMED. 

THE National Union Convention, composed of Re- 
publicans and War Democrats, assembled at Bal- 
timore on Tuesday, June 7, and organized, electing the 
Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, as tempor- 
ary chairman, and Ex-Governor Dennison, of Ohio, as 
permanent President. This Convention was made up 
of men loyal and true to the Government of the United 
States, and the cause of humanity. Heniy J. Raymond, 
of New York, was chairman of the committee on resolu- 
tions, and reported a platform from which the follow- 
ing is an extract : 

Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States not to compromise with Rebels, 
nor to offer them any terms of peace except such as may be 
based upon an unconditional surrender of their hostility and 
a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and the 
laws of the United States; and that we call upon the Gov- 
ernment to maintain this position, and to prosecute the war 
with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression 
of the Rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing 
patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the 
American people to their country and its free institutions. 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN NOMINATED FOR RE-ELECTION 

To find a man for the Presidency, who could stand 
with both feet on this platform, required no search war- 

194 



NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION 195 

rant. All eyes were turned on the pilot of pilots, the 
captain of the home-coming ship that had sailed the 
bloody seas, and was rounding into port with the Stars 
and Stripes flying from the top-mast. Our army and 
navj, in good form, were still there, while the Confed- 
eracy was tottering on the verge of despair. The peo- 
ple had said to their delegates at Baltimore, '' Don't 
stop to swap horses in the middle of the stream." Mr. 
Lincoln was unanimously nominated for reelection; 
and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, was chosen as the 
candidate for Vice-President. 

The two national tickets with their platforms were 
now before the people. No one entertained a doubt as 
to where Mr. Lincoln stood, nor as to the intent and 
purpose of the Union platform. It meant war to the 
knife, death to the Confederacy, freedom for the slaves, 
and the Union of the States. The Chicago platform 
meant the dissolution of the Union, and the Independ- 
ence of the Southern Confederacy. 

Mr. Lincoln stood square on his platform, and never 
wavered or faltered for a moment in his determination 
to suppress the Kebellion. George B. McClellan, in his 
letter of acceptance, repudiated a part of the Chicago 
platform and accepted other parts. No one could tell 
where he stood, nor what he intended to do if elected 
President. He knew the ultimatum of Jefferson Davis, 
yet he wanted to disband the Union Army and stop the 
war. He knew that with the Union Army disbanded, 
and the annies of Lee, Hood, and Johnson still in the 
field, the independence of the Confederacy was a fore- 
gone conclusion ; and yet he pretended to be in favor of 
peace ^' on the basis of the Federal Union of the 
States." His position was not only untenable, but it 
bore falsehood on its face. 

The campaign, though largely one-sided, was spir- 
ited and in some localities hot and exciting. A million 
Union men or more were away in the army, and that 
gave the Knights of the Golden Circle, Sons of Liberty, 



196 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

deserters from the army, and traitors generally, a 
chance to annoy the old men and frighten the women 
and children, and thereby keep as many Union voters 
from the polls as possible. But all such work, disrepu- 
table and detestable as it was, availed them nothing. 

The Union orators went straight to the loyal peo- 
ple and laid bare the false pretences of McClellan and 
his supporters. The Union press and pulpit stood in 
line with all sails to the breeze, and spoke in no uncer- 
tain sounds. The voice and pen of Harriet Beecher 
Stowe, Julia Ward Howe, Mary A. Livermore, Susan 
B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, and a thousand other brilliant 
loyal women rang the changes on impending dangers 
to the Republic, and portrayed the disasters that would 
follow in the wake of fragmentary Governments. 

Wliile the battle for ballots was thus raging 
throughout the North, a million loyal guns were hurl- 
ing missiles of death at the Confederacy throughout 
the South. Closer and closer Grant was drawing his 
lines around Lee at Richmond and Petersburg. Right 
on the heels of the Chicago Convention, bang went 
Sherman's guns, and down went Atlanta in the heart of 
the Confederacy. Incessant was the roar of cannon 
and the rattle of musketry along Thomas 's lines among 
the hills of Tennessee. All rolling and tumbling went 
Jubal Early's forces back from the Shenandoah, with 
Phil Sheridan and his cavaliers in close pursuit. About 
the same time Mobile went down under Farragut's 
guns, and the troops elsewhere were moving with a 
steadiness of purpose that bespoke the beginning of 
the end. 

These grand achievements following each other in 
rapid succession, after the Chicago Convention had 
branded the army as thieves and declared the war a 
failure, were emphasized by a Proclamation from Pres- 
ident Lincoln for Thanksgiving and national salutes. 
Tliis led up to the autumn elections in a number of the 
States, preceding the Presidential election of that year. 



NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION 197 

RESULT OF THE ELECTION 

In all the States holding elections in October, with 
one exception, the returns showed decided Union gains. 
The dear old State of Indiana, which had been claimed 
by the Knights of the Copperhead Circle for McClellan 
and Pendleton, led the van of October States by giving 
the Republican State ticket a majority of over twenty 
thousand and a gain of four members of Congress. 
These elections left no doubt about the reelection of Mr. 
Lincoln, although McClellan and his disloyal support- 
ers in the north, and Jefferson Davis and his army in 
the South, held on, grasping like drowning men at 
straws, and hoping against hope, until the election in 
November, which sealed their doom. 

At that election McClellan and Pendleton carried 
just three States — New Jersey, Delaware, and Ken- 
tucky — twenty-one electoral votes; and Lincoln and 
Johnson carried all the other States — two hundred 
and twelve electoral votes. No election was held in the 
ten States then in rebellion. The vote of Kentucky 
should have been excluded on account of the vast Rebel 
vote cast for McClellan and Pendleton in that State; 
but since it did not change the result it was allowed to 
be counted. 

The result of this national election was a death blow 
to the Confederacy. It settled the political schemes 
and aspirations of the Confederate conspirators at 
Richmond, and their allies in the loyal States. It broke 
the backbone of the Confederate army and left the 
officers and soldiers stranded on false hopes and unful- 
filled promises. Through the dark gloom that en- 
shrouded every camp, they saw the handwriting on the 
wall. From that moment they began to inquire, one of 
another, what they should do to be saved. 

THE CONFEDERACY DOOMED 

West of the Mississippi the jig was up. General 
Price was retreating southward from his disastrous 



198 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

raid through Missouri, when he received the news of 
McClellan's defeat. On the morning of the election 
he crossed the Arkansas River with the shattered frag- 
ments of his followers, and that was the last ever heard 
of him as a factor in war. His divisions scattered and 
his soldiers vanished. Kirby Smith, with sad recollec- 
tions, and dark forebodings, betook himself to the 
pineries of Louisiana, while his ragged, hungry, battle- 
scarred veterans were wandering about over the coun- 
try in search of something to eat. Dick Taylor crossed 
the Mississippi and reported to Hood; Marmaduke 
was already a prisoner of war in Missouri ; Shelby was 
organizing an expedition to Mexico; Fagan was at 
home in Arkansas, taking observations and calcula- 
tions as to the exact time when the Confederate meteor 
would disappear; Gano was camped at Caddo, guard- 
ing the remains of Price's army, and endeavoring to 
suppress the rebellion among Cooper's Indians ; Cooper 
was looking after boot-leggers from Texas ; and from 
the Ides of November to the fall of Richmond the re- 
mainder of the Confederate army officers in the Trans- 
Mississippi Department were serving on Courts of 
Inquiry and Boards of Review, convened for the pur- 
pose of trying each other on recriminating charges 
incident to an army that had been the architect of its 
own misfortunes. 

East of the Mississippi the armies of Lee, Hood, and 
Johnson, although staggering and bleeding, were still 
holding out. Lee was bottled up in Richmond and Pe- 
tersburg, with the Army of Northern Virginia slowly 
melting away. Hood had given up in despair; and 
Johnson was in North Carolina trying to cooperate 
with Lee in Virginia. 

But the die was cast ; the Confederacy was doomed. 
General Grant held his death-grip on Lee until he took 
down the Confederate flag and surrendered the Army 



NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION 199 

of Northern Virginia as prisoners of war. General 
Thomas, at Nashville, knocked Hood over the ropes and 
sent his army glimmering through the dreams that 
were ; General Sherman closed in on Joe Johnston ; and 
the Confederacy became a thing of the past. 



CHAPTER XV 

THE KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS AND ELECTION OP 1864 

STATE MILITIA AND POLITICAL GENERALS RESULT OF THE 

ELECTION GOVERNOR 's MESSAGE REORGANIZATION 

OF THE STATE MILITIA THE SECOND INAUGURATION OF 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN ON TO CITY POINT ASSASSI- 
NATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

ON the eighth of September, 1864, the Republican 
State Convention assembled at Topeka, and or- 
ganized by the election of John T. Cox, of Coffey 
County as President; Wm. M. Inman, Captain Bow- 
man, Wm. Tholen, W. E. Bowker, and Thaddeus Pren- 
tice as Vice-Presidents ; and R. R. Lockwood and F. G. 
Adams as Secretaries. 

After adopting resolutions endorsing the adminis- 
tration of President Lincoln, ratifying the National 
Union platform adopted at Baltimore, and demanding 
a vigorous prosecution of the war, the Convention pro- 
ceeded to nominate a State Ticket, Associate Justice, 
Presidential electors, and Member of Congress as 
follows : 

For Governor, Samuel J. Crawford, Anderson County. 

For Lieut. Governor, James McGrew, Wyandotte County. 

For Sec. of State, R. A. Barker, Atchison County. 

For Auditor of State, J. R. Swallow, Lyon County. 

For State Treasurer, Wm. Spriggs, Anderson County. 

For Atty. General, J. D. Brumbaugh, Marshal County. 

For Supt. Pub. Instruc, I. T. Goodnow, Riley County. 

For Associate Justice, Jacob Safford, Shawnee County. 

For Member of Congress, Sidney Clark, Douglas County. 

For Presidential Electors: Ellsworth Chesebrough, 
Atchison County; Nelson McCracken, Leavenworth County; 
Robert McBratney, Davis County. 

200 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 201 

Before the election Mr. Chesebrough and Mr. Mc- 
Craeken died, and Colonels Cloud and Moonlight were 
chosen by the State Central Committee to succeed them 
on the electoral ticket. 

On the thirteenth of September two opposition Con- 
ventions were held in Topeka; one composed of Anti- 
Lane Kepublicans, and the other of mugwump 
Democrats. The one endorsed the Baltimore platform 
and advised its followers to support Mr. Lincoln. The 
other endorsed the Chicago platform and ratified the 
nomination of George B. McClellan and George H, 
Pendleton. Then the two Conventions came together 
and named a State ticket, composed of disaffected Re- 
publicans and War Democrats as follows: 

For Governor, S. 0. Thaeher, Douglas County. 

For Lieut. Governor, John J. Ingalls, Atchison County. 

For Sec. of State, W. R. Sanders, Coffey County. 

For State Treasurer, J. R. McClure, Davis County. 

For State Auditor, Asa Hairgrove, Linn County. 

For Atty. General, H. Griswold, Leavenworth County. 

For Supt. Pub. Instruc, Peter Mac Vicar, Shawnee 
County. 

For Associate Justice, S. A. Kingman, Brown County. 

For Member of Congress, A. L. Lee, Doniphan County. 

For Presidential Electors : T. Bridgens, Bourbon County ; 
A. G. Ege, Doniphan County; Nelson Cobb, Douglas County. 

All the Democrats were earnest supporters of 
George B. McClellan. 

STATE MILITIA AND POLITICAL GENERALS 

After the State Conventions had nominated their 
tickets, the State Militia (as hereinbefore shown) was 
called out to resist the Rebel General Price, who 
was advancing on Kansas; and that prevented a 
political campaign, except such as Governor Carney 
and his adherents attempted among the State troops 
while they were in camp to protect their homes. 

It was asserted that the Governor did not believe 



202 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

that Price was in Missouri, or that Kansas was in dan- 
ger; but that was not a reasonable excuse for his con- 
duct and the mutinous conduct of some of his Militia 
generals and their staff officers. They all knew that 
Price with a large force was coming, and nothing but 
bullets and bayonets would check his advance. Never- 
theless the political tempering with the troops went 
bravely on until Blunt 's and Pleasonton's guns were 
thundering around Independence and along the Big 
Blue, within hearing of the Kansas State troops. 

But then it was too late to repair the damage that 
had been done. Those who were responsible for the 
position and condition of the State troops, stood aghast 
or betook themselves to the brush, and left the un- 
trained regiments to look out for themselves. Had not 
Blunt and his tried veterans thrown themselves into the 
breach, Price would have marched through Kansas 
City and made an ash-heap of Southern Kansas and 
the scattered regiments of State Militia. 

It was a close call. Every intelligent officer and 
soldier at the front saw the danger from the moment 
the first gun was fired at the Little Blue, but they could 
not help themselves. The political generals over the 
line had their ' ' eyes sot ' ' on the forthcoming election, 
and votes were of more importance to them than all 
the Rebels in Missouri. But the demoralized condition 
of the Militia was not entirely attributable to the 
political hucksters in their camps. Quite a number of 
copperheads and Rebel sympathizers were there tam- 
pering with the troops and putting in their best licks 
to keep them from crossing the State line. 

Yet after all, their ill-advised conduct availed them 
nothing, in so far as votes were concerned. The rank 
and file of the Militia saw through the schemes and 
traps that had been set for them; and when they re- 
turned home and went to the polls two weeks later, 
they expressed their opinions in no uncertain way. 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 203 



EESULT OF THE ELECTION 



The election was held on the eighth day of Novem- 
ber, just two weeks after the Battle of Mine Creek, the 
day Price was torn to pieces and driven from the State. 
The combined opposition, composed of disaffected Re- 
publicans, Anti-War Democrats, mugwumps, copper- 
heads, and blanket Osages, carries just six counties; 
and in three of these, they voted every bushwhacker 
and Rebel sympathizer within reach, from both sides 
of the Missouri River, who had escaped Federal prisons 
and who were dodging Federal troops. The Repub- 
lican State ticket, including the Presidential electors 
for Lincoln and Johnson, carried all the other counties ; 
and every candidate on the ticket was elected by a 
sweeping majority. At the same election members of 
the Legislature were chosen, with both Houses largely 
Republican. 

Thus the new State of Kansas, having escaped the 
dire calamities of an invasion by Price and his legions 
of demoralized outlaws, and made a clean sweep in 
the election of Lincoln Republicans to fill the various 
positions created by the Constitution, was now ready to 
take its proper position among the States of the Union 
and give the National Administration at Washington 
its loyal support. 

On the ninth of Januarj^, 1865, the oath of office was 
administered to the State officers elect, by the Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court, and the Great Seal of 
State turned over to the new Governor, Samuel J. 
Crawford, who immediately entered upon the duties 
of his office. 

At that time the Executive Offices and Legislative 
Halls were in buildings known as the " State Row," lo- 
cated on the west side of Kansas Avenue, between 
Fourth and Fifth Streets. On the tenth of January, 
1865, the new Legislature convened, organized, and ap- 
pointed a Joint Committee to notify the Governor that 



204 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

the two Houses were in session and ready to receive 
any communication he might have to make.* 

When I assumed the duties of Governor, I was in- 
experienced in State affairs. The State, as yet, was 
new. Many of the young men were in the army, and 
the older ones were on duty at home, endeavoring to 
protect their families and their own lives and property 
against bushwhackers from Missouri, and thieves, rob- 
bers, and murderers, who were prowling along our bor- 
ders on the south and east, and often making raids on 
the interior settlers. 

At the same time a band of lawless Osage Indians, 
who had been in the Confederate service and kept along 
with the Rebel troops in the Indian Territory for scalp- 
ing purposes, returned to their reservation in Southern 
Kansas and started out to plunder our settlers in that 
part of the State. Also the wild tribes of the plains, 
the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, and Comanches 
had been tampered with by Confederate authorities, 
and were making war on our Western frontier settle- 
ments. Then, again, there were quite a number of 
young able-bodied Kansas Patriots engaged in the 
laudable business of stealing cattle in the Indian Ter- 
ritory and driving them to Kansas in droves to be 
placed where they would do the most good. 

In addition to all this, the revenue of the State was 
deficient and its credit at a heavy discount. Some of 
the State institutions had been located by the Legisla- 
ture, but nothing done by the State authorities in the 
way of securing public buildings and setting the in- 
stitutions in active operation. 

Also, I found on assuming the duties of the office, 
that a draft for troops had been ordered in Kansas by 
the Secretary of War ; when, as a matter of fact, the 
State had already furnished over three thousand vol- 
unteers more than had been officially called for by the 
President. 

*See Appendix. 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 205 

So, all in all, the affairs of State were in bad shape. 
But existing conditions had to be met, entanglements 
straightened out, and a new order of things set in 
motion. 

GOVEKNOR^S MESSAGE 

On the eleventh of January, 1865, as required by the 
Constitution, I transmitted to the Legislature, a Mes- 
sage in writing from which I make the following brief 
extracts : 

The Constitution of the State makes it the duty of the 
Governor at the commencement of each session of the Legis- 
lature to communicate, in writing, such information as he 
may possess in reference to the condition of the State and 
recommend such measures as he may deem expedient. In 
compliance with this requirement and in accordance with 
established usage, I herewith transmit to you such informa- 
tion as I have, together with such recommendation as in my 
judgment the interests of the State require. 

During the past season our citizens have been blessed 
with health and unusual prosperity. Although the produc- 
tions of the soil have been less abundant than in former 
years, yet they have been sufficient to meet our wants, and 
amply reward the husbandman for his labor. . . 

The reelection of Abraham Lincoln is the people's dec- 
laration that the war is not a failure, but that it shall be 
vigorously prosecuted until the last vestige of American 
Slavery is extirpated — until every traitor lays down his arms 
and bows in allegiance to our flag, and submission to the laws 
of our Government. 

It is our duty, and not ours only, but the duty of every 
loyal man in the nation to support the Federal Administra- 
tion, and afford every facility for the vigorous and success- 
ful prosecution of the war, to a speedy termination. . . 

The State has furnished for the war seventeen regiments, 
with an aggregate of twenty thousand eight hundred and 
twenty-two men (including after-enlistments into these regi- 
ments to fill their decimated ranks) ; of this number one thou- 
sand two hundred and nine have reenlisted as veterans. 

The quota for Kansas under the various calls to July 19, 



206 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

1864, was fourteen thousand one hundred and four; add to 
this quota under the last call, which will be, if assigned to 
Kansas two thousand two hundred and thirty-three, and we 
have a total of sixteen thousand three hundred and thirty- 
seven, which, with due allowance for those enlisted from other 
States and accredited to Kansas will still give the State an 
excess over and above all calls ; but from some cause we have 
not received credit for all the troops furnished by the 
State. 

I most respectfully call your attention to the subject of 
education. It cannot be too carefully considered by you. 
A summary statement furnished by the Superintendent of 
Public Instruction shows eight hundred and fourteen School 
Districts organized, with thirty-seven thousand five hundred 
and eighty-two children. Of this number twenty-two thou- 
sand four hundred and twenty-nine attended school the past 
year. . . 

To you, as one of the coordinate branches of our State 
government, is entrusted the important business of making 
the laws. It will afford me pleasure to give in detail any 
such information I may possess, and not now attainable, and 
pledge you my hearty cooperation in all measures for the 
protection and development of the interests of the State and 
its growing population. I would suggest retrenchment where 
it may be made without prejudice; and a rigid economy in 
all appropriations. I am not aware that there is such an 
amount of legislation as will occupy your attention during 
the whole time limited by law, and would therefore sug- 
gest that your session be as short as a proper regard and care 
for the public interests will justify. 

The reports of the State officers and recommenda- 
tions relative thereto, embodied in this message, are of 
record in the several departments of State, and are 
therefore herein omitted. 

Amid surroundings peculiar to a new State in time 
of war, the executive officers and the State Legislature 
of Kansas started early in January, 1865, to grope 
their way through a wilderness beset with obstacles. 
Prowling about the State capital, and in the slums of 
the larger cities, were statesmen who made politics a 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 207 

trade and lived by their wits. When the Legislature 
of 1865 met, they were there in force to direct legisla- 
tion and see that no political mistakes were made. 
Promptly they organized their forces into a body 
piratical, known as '' The Third House," which, like 
all Gaul, was divided into three parts — one to look 
after the Executive Department, one to manage the 
Legislature, and one to guard against the Judiciary. 
Their schemes were numerous, and their audacity 
knew no bounds. They acted as though they were old 
hands at the business, and seemed to think the State 
a legitimate object of common plunder. But erelong 
they learned that things were not always as they 
seemed ; that Kansas had a written Constitution and a 
code of printed laws, all of which must be respected 
and would be rigidly enforced, regardless of politicians, 
or previous circumstances. This was undesirable in- 
formation, but it had the desired effect. Soon '' The 
Third House " adjourned sine die, and its patriotic 
members, in squads, folded their tents and stole silently 
away to their haunts, vowing vengeance against mili- 
tary despots. 

REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE MILITIA 

On the twelfth of January James H. Lane was re- 
elected United States Senator, and then the Legislature 
settled down to steady work. Of the many acts passed 
by the Legislature of 1865, one provided for the organ- 
ization, discipline, and pay of the State Militia. In 
pursuance of this act, the State troops were reorgan- 
ized, and general and staff officers were appointed and 
confirmed as follows: 

W. F. Cloud, Major-General. 

John A. Martin, Brigadier-General, First District. 
Jas. M. Harvey, Brigadier-General, Second District. 
John T. Burris, Brigadier-General, Third District. 
Harrison Kelley, Brigadier-General, Fourth District. 
T. J. Anderson, Colonel and Adjutant-General. 



208 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

J. K. Rankin, Colonel and Paymaster-General. 
D. E. Ballard, Colonel and Quartermaster-General. 
N. T. Winans, Colonel and Surgeon-General. 
Ed. G. Ross, Lieut-Colonel and Aide-de-Camp. 
Cyrus Leland, Lieut-Colonel and Aide-de-Camp. 
Charles Dimon, Lieut-Colonel and Aide-de-Camp. 
H. T. Beman, Major and Ass't. Adjutant-General. 
John G. Haskell, Captain and Ass't Quartermaster- 
General, 

Through the instrumentality of Colonel Anderson, 
the records of the Adjutant-General's office were 
brought up and made complete, giving the name and 
record of every volunteer officer and soldier mustered 
into the United States service during the Civil War. 
The official services of Colonels Rankin, Ballard, and 
Dr. Winans were also efficient and without a blemish. 
The generals all stood ready to do their duty when oc- 
casion required, but fortunately their services were 
seldom needed. 

After the close of the war the civil authorities along 
our eastern border proved equal to every emergency, 
although their duties were often arduous and danger- 
ous. The sheriffs in the border counties, from Cher- 
okee to Doniphan, were men who had been tried on 
other fields ; and all evil-doers soon learned to respect 
them. Along the southern border the sheriffs, assisted 
by General Kelley and Major Chitwood, were able to 
protect the people against marauding bands of thieves, 
robbers, and rebel Osages. But of the Osages and the 
wild tribes on our western border, I shall hereinafter 
have something more to say. 

The State had more than filled its quota for troops 
under each and every call made by the President, and 
yet, when I reached Topeka, I was informed by the 
War Department that a draft for still more troops had 
been ordered in Kansas. Knowing that somebody was 
in error, I directed the Adjutant-General to make a pre- 
liminary report, showing the aggregate number of 
troops furnished by the State, the number for which 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 209 

the State had received credit, and the excess over and 
above all calls. 

The Legislature, having been informed of the pend- 
ing draft, and assured of its injustice, set about in 
earnest to expedite needed legislation, so as to ad- 
journ at the earliest practical moment and thereby en- 
able me to proceed to Washington and secure credit for 
all the soldiers furnished by the State. While the Leg- 
islature was thus hastening its work, the Adjutant- 
General was busy gathering and compiling statistics 
for his report. On the twentieth of February the Leg- 
islature adjourned; the next day the Adjutant- 
General's report was completed, and on February 
twenty-second I started for Washington. 

On arriving there I presented the report to the Sec- 
retary of War, the Hon. E. M. Stanton, who referred it 
to Colonel Vincent of the War Department, with in- 
structions to make it special and report the facts to 
him at the earliest practicable moment. When I 
reached the War Office I found a number of other Gov- 
ernors there endeavoring to have the draft suspended 
in their States ; but as Secretary Stanton informed me, 
no one of them had furnished his quota ; and, of course, 
in such States the draft could not be suspended. In 
the course of a day or so. Colonel Vincent reported to 
Secretary Stanton that he had carefully examined the 
records and found that Kansas had furnished her full 
quota of troops under all calls, and in addition thereto, 
a surplus of over three thousand. 

When this report was made, General Grant was 
pressing Lee at Eichmond ; Thomas was winding up the 
Confederacy in Tennessee; and Sherman was batter- 
ing down the walls of treason along the Atlantic coast. 
The authorities at Washington, therefore, were rather 
reluctant about doing anything that would in the slight- 
est degree check reinforcements or in any other way 
interfere with the onward movements of troops in the 
field. 

Nevertheless the need of troops in Tennessee was not 



210 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

SO pressing as in the Potomac Army, and on that ac- 
count Stanton ordered the draft in Kansas suspended, 
and the drafted men, who had been sent forward to 
fill the depleted ranks of Kansas regiments, discharged 
and returned home. This order was sent at once to the 
Provost Marshal of Kansas; but by request of Secre- 
tary Stanton, for obvious reasons, it was not made 
public at the time. In fact, most of the drafted men 
after they reached their regiments in Tennessee did not 
care to be discharged. Those assigned to the Tenth 
Kansas served with that gallant regiment until mus- 
tered out of service at the close of the war. To have 
been in at the finish of such a war was better for young, 
able-bodied men than not to have been there at all. 

Having completed my work in the War Depart- 
ment, I was invited by Secretary Stanton to remain in 
Washington until after the inauguration of Mr. Lin- 
coln, and then visit the Army in front of Eichmond and 
Petersburg. To visit the Potomac Army at that stage 
of military operations was a privilege seldom granted 
to any person not connected with the army. Hence I 
readily accepted the Secretary's kind invitation. 

THE SECOND INATJGUBATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN 

The second inauguration of Mr. Lincoln was an im- 
portant event in the history of this country. It marked 
the beginning of the end of the Rebellion. It meant a 
reunited country; a nation among nations; a Govern- 
ment that was republican in form and in fact. The oath 
of office was administered by the Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court ; and from the east portico of the Cap- 
itol, Mr. Lincoln delivered his inaugural address to an 
immense throng of statesmen, soldiers, and citizens. 

He seemed to be deeply impressed with the sub- 
ject-matter of his discourse. The vast audience lis- 
tened intently and often expressed their approval of 
what he was saying, but generally speaking, they were 
serious and thoughtful. Everybody realized that the 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 211 

war was rapidly drawing to a close, and Mr. Lincoln, 
no doubt, shared in that general belief; and, yet, in 
view of the triumphs already achieved, and the mo- 
mentous results soon to follow, he was profoundly 
serious. 

In closing this never-to-be-forgotten address, Mr. 
Lincoln said : 

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this 
mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet if God 
wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bond- 
man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall 
be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash 
shall be paid by another drawn w^ith the sword, as was 
said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, " The 
judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." 

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with 
firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us 
strive to finish the work we are in, — to bind up the Nation's 
wounds ; to care for him who shall have borne the battle and 
for his widow, and his orphan ; to do all which may achieve 
and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and 
with all nations. 

On the evening of March 4, following the inaugural 
ceremonies, all eyes were turned toward the Depart- 
ment of the Interior, where the usual inauguration ball 
was to be given. This, as the young folks seemed to 
think, was the event of the occasion. Certainly it was 
grand, and in many ways dazzling. The ballroom was 
filled to overflowing, packed almost to suffocation, with 
charming ladies and with men of various grades. In 
all respects, the second inauguration of Mr. Lincoln 
was an event in the history of our country never to be 
forgotten by those who were there. 

Of the Kansas party present, was an observing 
young lady from Atchison, who has kindly refreshed 
my memory on things as they occurred on that im- 
portant occasion. In a recent communication she says : 



212 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Atchison, Kansas, October 14, '10. 
My Dear Governor: 

I received your letter, and am only too happy to re- 
late to you the little incidents of our trip to Washington in 
1865, and our attendance at the Inaugural Ball. 

You probably recall that the Atchison party met yours 
at St. Joseph, where we all took supper at the old Patee 
House, now no more and forgotten. Our party was com- 
posed of several ladies and gentlemen, including my Mother 
and myself. At St. Joseph we took a Hannibal and St. Joe 
train to Junction City, Mo. The train carried no sleeper. 
Arriving at Junction City, we transferred to the Missouri Pa- 
cific and crossed the river at St. Charles in a ferry boat; 
and upon our arrival in St. Louis, the Atchison party reg- 
istered at Barnum's, and I think you and Mr. Conway went 
to the Planters'. We remained in St. Louis all day, taking 
the Baltimore & Ohio in the evening for Washington. I re- 
member that we were detained by an accident in Ohio, and 
were obliged to remain over night at some small town. The 
next morning we resumed our journey, reaching Bell Air the 
following day. Here we were detained again because of the 
activities of the Rebels, who had torn up the track; and 
it was another day before we could resume our journey. Al- 
though the track was guarded by Union soldiers the rest of 
the way, we were again detained at Relay Station, where 
we spent the night ; and resuming our slow journey the next 
morning, Ave reached Baltimore late in the afternoon. We 
found the hotels crowded with travellers on their way to 
Washington. The ladies of our party being unable to se- 
cure rooms, the dining-room of our aotel was converted into 
a dormitory by the accommodating landlord, and beds were 
made of the tables by a liberal use of mattresses. Being tired 
and exhausted, we soon fell asleep and rested well. 

The next day was the third of March ; and on the morn- 
ing of the 4th we went down to Washington. It was rain- 
ing, and the mud was ankle-deep on Pennsylvania Avenue; 
for that was before the days of '' Boss" Sheppard, and 
Washington streets were not paved. 

We proceeded to the Capitol, where we were received 
by Senator Pomeroy. He conducted us to the private gal- 
lery in the Senate Chamber, but it was so crowded, only the 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 213 

ladies of our party could find seats. Being then the Gov- 
ernor of Kansas, you, of course, were seated on the Senate 
floor. 

After Andrew Johnson was sworn in as Vice-President, 
by Hannibal Hamlin, we were ail conducted to the east front 
of the Capitol, where President Lincoln took the oath of 
office, the second time. The rain had ceased, the sun was 
shining, and the impatient crowd, weary with many hours 
of waiting in the wind and rain, cheered as the President 
stepped forth and Chief Justice Chase administered the oath 
of office. How little we then realized that in a few weeks, 
the country he had saved would be called to mourn his loss. 
The inaugural address was brief; and after the crowd dis- 
persed, we returned to the hotel to get ready for the great 
ball in the evening. 

I found my invitation waiting for me, engraved on a 
piece of cardboard, about eight by ten inches, with the Amer- 
ican eagle emblazoned thereon. As I beheld my name — 
* ' Miss Louisa Chesebrough ' ' — written upon it, I was filled 
with joyous anticipation of the coming event. (Alas! this 
invitation, which I so highly prized, was lost in the fire 
which completely destroyed our old home in 1888.) 

You called for us about nine o'clock. The ball took 
place in the Interior Department Building ; and when we ar- 
rived we were conducted to the room reserved for the Gov- 
ernors and the ladies of their families. After removing our 
wraps and straightening out the kinks in our extension hoops, 
which were then the prevailing fashion, we proceeded to the 
ballroom. Ornate hair-dressing w^as very much in vogue, and 
the style which was used was called the water-fall. My own 
costume was of net over white silk, looped with garlands of 
black and w^iite flowers, and was made in Baltimore, having 
been previously ordered. 

President Lincoln and his Cabinet stood upon a platform 
and as we were presented, he grasped our hands in a most 
cordial and friendly manner. Mrs. Lincoln was dressed in 
the extreme of fashion and seemed ill at ease. She possessed 
neither beauty nor grace. The most distinguished-looking 
man on the platform was Secretary Seward, a man of high 
breeding and culture. I was much disappointed in the ap- 
pearance of the Presidential party, so far as the women were 



214 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

concerned, and in spite of their elaborate gowns, feathers, 
and jewels, they had neither charm nor style. 

We joined the promenade and walked through a cotillion 
and afterwards watched the crowd. When supper was an- 
nounced, the scramble and rush was terrific and in spite of 
guarded doors, the throng pushed on undaunted and un- 
abashed. Most of the women, after passing through the 
doors, presented a forlorn appearance, with feathers and 
puffs and flounces torn, and faces flushed. I arrived in fairly 
good condition, due largely to the skill and gallantry of my 
escort. 

The banquet table, without exception, was the most beau- 
tiful I ever saw, and the viands were choice and abundant. 
The confectioner's art was well displayed, table decorations 
at that time being very high, and flowers were not much 
used; but such fairy palaces of spun sugar with towers and 
turrets made of sweets, I never saw before and have not seen 
since ! The service was excellent, and after all had recovered 
from the tempestuous entrance to the feast, we did ample 
justice to the occasion. Everybody seemed happy and joy- 
ous. The war was almost over, and peace and quiet were 
anticipated, with no fear of the future. No one thought of 
the tragedy that was so soon to occur. And after all, how 
blessed it is, that the future is veiled, for were it not so, few 
would have the courage to live on! We are all cheered by 
Hope and in the faith that all will be right. 

I shall always remember this great event ; and when I had 
returned to my hotel, I was conscious of ha\dng spent the 
pleasantest evening of my life. I was still young, and life 
was new and fresh to me, and yet I fully realized that it was 
a memorable event. 

I recall but few incidents of the homeward trip; but 
when the telegraph, shortly after our arrival in Atchison, 
brought the terrible news of the assassination of our Pres- 
ident, I could not help but feel grateful through the gloom 
that oppressed me, that I was permitted to see the wonder- 
ful Lincoln and to have touched the hand that guided our be- 
loved country through the great trial. 

Sincerely yours, 
Anna Louisa Chesebrough Ingalls. 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 215 

This young lady was subsequently the wife of the 
Hon. John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, who served his State 
with distinguished ability for eighteen years, in the 
United States Senate. 

After the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, I visited 
New York and made arrangements for a Fiscal Agency 
for the State, in that city. As yet the credit of the 
State had not been established. Our bonds, with in- 
terest payable in New York, had previously been nego- 
tiated and were floating at a heavy rate of discount. 
Those who were handling them were uninformed as to 
the assets and resources of the State. When told that 
Kansas embraced over fifty million acres of land, un- 
surpassed in richness and fertility; that the climate 
was mild ; that the vast prairies were interspersed with 
streams of running water and covered with grass suit- 
able for grazing purposes, and that the soil was well 
adapted to the production of fruit and agricultural 
products of all kinds, the financiers, whose business it 
was to deal in bonds, stocks, and money, began to take 
notice. During the war, our Kansas State Bonds were 
sold at prices ranging from sixty-five to ninety cents on 
the dollar; but after the Confederacy collapsed, they 
steadily increased to par, and finally to a premium. 

While in New York I also made arrangements with 
the National Bureau of Immigration for the distribu- 
tion of pamphlets and circulars, printed in English 
and other languages, relating to Kansas and the Home- 
stead and Preemption Laws. 

Having finished my work in New York, I returned 
to Washington preparatory to a visit to City Point and 
the Potomac Army at Eichmond and Petersburg. In 
my absence Senator Lane, Colonel A. S. Johnson, Col- 
onel Weer, and other Kansas friends had made all 
necessary arrangements for our trip to the seat of war. 

The revenue cutter which Secretary Stanton had 
previously tendered was placed at our disposal, and 
was in readiness to start. On the evening of March 



216 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

twenty-third we all went abroad, and soon our stanch 
man-of-war was steaming down the Potomac River. 
We entered the Chesapeake Bay late in the afternoon, 
and ploughed the waves southward to Fortress Mon- 
roe, and thence onward into Hampton Roads. 

ON TO CITY POINT 

After viewing the wrecks of the Congress and Cum- 
berland, which were silent, but still visible in Hampton 
Roads, and each of us telling how (if we had been 
there) we should have drawn and quartered the Mer- 
rimac and scalped its officers for deserting our Navy, 
we swung around into the James River and steamed for 
Richmond. 

Soon we were passing over the historic grounds, 
where our ancestors first made settlement on American 
soil. The ground upon which they landed had been 
washed away by the river. Their cabins, their forts, 
their fields, orchards, and gardens were all gone, with 
no one left to tell the tale. Time and the grand old 
river, sweeping down from the mountains to the sea, 
had done their work. The original Jamestown, around 
which savagery clustered for a century, was gone. It 
had been swallowed up and lost. 

As our stanch little ship ploughed its way over 
these ancient ruins one could not avoid being impressed 
with sad reflections and the fickleness of time. Here 
but a brief period in the past, stood the resolute pio- 
neers of a great Republic, with nothing but their own 
manly courage, steady nerve, and unerring rifle, for 
protection against a race of savage barbarians. Here 
lived the ancestors of many of the heroes of the Rev- 
olutionary War ; but now buried under the dark waves 
of rushing waters and surrounded by armed traitors. 

From Jamestown (that was) we passed on up the 
river to Dutch Gap — a work of folly that cost the 
Government a vast sum of money which might have 
been expended to a better purpose. It was a gap cut 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 217 

through a hill of solid stone to avoid a bend of a few 
miles in the James River. The cost of the gap, or canal, 
would have paid for the extra hour consumed by Gov- 
ernment boats in going around the bend for forty years 
or more. It was a freak notion that struck one of our 
generals who should have been giving his attention to 
the enemy in his front, rather than to a bend in the 
river in his rear. But freaks struck a good many of our 
political generals, and, of course, they had to be hu- 
mored, to prevent them from resigning and running 
for Congress or the Presidency. Such generals were 
contemptible, but it was impossible for the Govern- 
ment to get rid of them. 

From Dutch Gap we proceeded to City Point and 
anchored in the James River, opposite General Grant's 
headquarters. On the morning of March 25, we paid 
our respects to the General and heard much concern- 
ing his plan of operations. Grant was a great General, 
and knew at all times what he was doing. In Lee he 
had a powerful antagonist, and nobody understood 
that fact better than Grant. He grasped the whole sit- 
uation, and moved his army with the precision of an 
expert in a game of chess. He anticipated almost 
every movement Lee would naturally make, and he was 
generally prepared for it. He figured almost to the 
day when Lee would abandon Richmond and Peters- 
burg. 

\ After a brief visit the General gave us our liberty 
within the lines, and also transportation over a rough- 
and-tumble railroad, running from City Point around 
in the rear of his line of entrenchments, fortifications, 
and signal stations, as far as the same extended. At 
one o'clock the next morning, General Gordon, with a 
division of Confederate troops quietly advanced across 
the intervening space between the two lines and at- 
tacked and captured Fort Stedman, one of the many 
forts along the Federal line. Instantly a division of 
the Sixth Corps, which was in line in rear of Fort Sted- 



218 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

man, dashed forward and cut off Gordon's retreat. 
His men sought shelter in the fort they had temporarily 
captured, but the guns from the forts next on either 
side were immediately turned upon them and they 
were quickly shelled into submission. Gordon, with a 
few of his men, ran the gantlet and made his escape. 

Early in the morning following this disastrous charge 
of Gordon, General Grant opened fire with his artillery 
from the forts, and at the same time advancing his in- 
fantry in the centre and on the left, made things lively 
during the day. About nine o 'clock in the morning, our 
Kansas contingent boarded a train at City Point and 
rode out seven or eight miles to an elevated position in 
rear of the contending forces and viewed the battle 
from a distance. 

When we reached our viewpoint, no less than two 
hundred guns from our forts were pouring shot and 
shell into the Eebel lines, and the smoke from fifty 
thousand muskets was rising slowly over a line of blue, 
as far as our field-glasses would reach. Nor were Lee's 
guns silent. Often shot and shell from his artillery 
would go screeching over our uneasy heads, as we 
sat on top of our car gazing intently at the awful scene 
before us. 

The operators on top of the signal stations, high 
in the air, were busy with their red flags communicat- 
ing General Grant's orders from City Point to his 
generals all along the line. They looked like little 
boys playing with toys, but they were unflinching men 
of nerve giving strict attention to duty, amid dangerous 
surroundings. Often a Eebel battery would be turned 
on a signal tower, and when the shells were bursting 
all around the operator, he paid no attention to them. 

As a picture the scene was grand, but terrific. It 
was a real tragedy enacted in the open field on a mag- 
nificent scale. During the day many men were killed 
and wounded on both sides; but the Union line was 
advanced, and some three thousand of the enemy were 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 219 

captured. From that day the fighting continued al- 
most incessantly until General Lee abandoned tlie field 
and started on his fatal retreat to Appomattox. 

When the thrilling scenes of that ever-memorable 
twenty-sixth of March were drawing to a close, the 
Kansas Jayhawkers boarded their car and returned to 
City Point. The next day we were furnished with 
horses and visited friends in the different corps of the 
army; and on the twenty-eighth we started on our re- 
turn to Washington. To those of our party who had 
served in the Western Army, the trip was intensely 
interesting; and our only regret was that we could not 
be assigned to duty with the Potomac Army and be in 
at the finish. But duty called us elsewhere. After 
attending to some matters in the Departments, we bade 
Mr. Lincoln and others good-bye and wended our way 
westward. 

ASSASSINATION OF PEESIDENT LINCOLN 

A few days after I left Washington, Mr. Lincoln 
was assassinated by J. Wilkes Booth, a dissolute, de- 
generate son of a noble ancestry. On receiving the 
news of this awful calamity, I issued a Proclamation 
of which the following is a copy : 

Executive Office, 
ToPEKA, Kan., April 15, 1865. 

A PROCLAMATION 

An inscrutable but all-wise Providence has suddenly vis- 
ited the nation amid its rejoicings and newborn hopes. 

President Lincoln has been wickedly assassinated ; a loyal 
people are shedding bitter tears of sorrow; grief, the most 
poignant, fills the heart of every true patriot in the land; 
a calamity that seems almost unbearable has visited the na- 
tion! Let us submit with Christian resignation to the great 
affliction — kiss the hand that smites us, remembering that 
it is our Father's will. 

I do recommend that in respect to the memory of the 
slain hero and patriot, the public and private buildings in 
the State be draped in mourning, so far as practicable, for 



220 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

the space of ten days; and that on Sunday the 23rd inst., 
especial prayers be offered to the Almighty God that He will 
sanctify this great calamity to the good of our bereaved 
country. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto caused the great 
seal of the State to be affixed, at Topeka, this 15th day of 
April, 1865. 

S. J. Crawford, Governor. 

The assassination of Mr. Lincoln, following so 
closely the surrender of Lee and his army, turned the 
loyal people of the United States from the camp of re- 
joicing into a house of mourning. It shocked the Na- 
tion, and staggered even the Confederate soldiers who 
had fought bravely and surrendered manfully. But 
the " Golden Circle " patriots, who had opposed the 
war and were " agin the government," betook them- 
selves to the dark alleys and rejoiced over this heinous 
crime of their loathsome confederate. 

These miserable creatures were silly enough to 
think that the life of the Republic was in the hands of 
one man, and since he was removed the Government of 
the United States would fall to pieces. Soon, however, 
the wires flashed the news that Andrew Johnson was 
President. Lee had gone home, Jefferson Davis was 
in prison, the assassins were in irons, and the Govern- 
ment at Washington was much alive. This was sad 
news for the copperheads. They had been listening, 
with ear-trumpets, to hear of Davis in the White House, 
Grant in prison, Lee marching on Washington, and 
Wilkes Booth as Provost Marshal General. 

Thus, bereft of all hopes, and suddenly "plunged 
into the depths of dark despair," they shed their but- 
ternut garb and signaled for lifeboats. When the boys 
in blue came marching home with the flag of their 
country untarnished, these Northern traitors-at-heart, 
burned the records of their treasonable organizations, 
bowed to the inevitable, and moved off to places where 
their evil deeds were unknown. 



KANSAS STATE CONVENTIONS 221 

The assassination of Mr. Lincoln was the last of a 
chain of dark and despicable crimes committed by 
traitors during the so-called Civil War. It was re- 
volting in the extreme, but in keeping with the methods 
adopted and sanctioned by Confederate authorities 
generally. 

Of all loyal men, Mr. Lincoln was the last who should 
have suffered such a fate. He had stood bravely at 
the helm and guided the ship safely through the storm 
without turning to the right or left. His great heart 
went out in sympathy to those who fell; and while he 
was lowering his life-boats to bring them in, the fatal 
shot was fired. For a while humanity was shocked, and 
the civilized world stood aghast ; but the Ship of State 
rode the storm with all sails spread to the breeze. 

Of all our American statesmen and patriots, Mr. 
Lincoln stands first and foremost. In peace and war 
he was the noblest of them all. 



CHAPTER XVI 



HOMEWAED BOUND 



INDIAN M^^RAUDERS STATE AFFAIRS IMMIGRATION SO- 
CIETY. 

THE Confederate Government having been blotted 
out, and the armies of Lee and Johnston having 
surrendered to Grant and Sherman, peace at last be- 
gan to dawn on our bleeding country. The roar of can- 
non, the rattle of musketry, and the clash of sabres, 
were now heard but faintly on distant fields. A long 
and bloody war was drawing to a close. Many homes 
were draped in mourning, and many mothers, wives, 
and sisters bowed down in grief. 

But serious, sad, and sanguinary as had been the 
struggle, it had to be. It was that or worse. The wreck 
and ruin of other republics, scattered over the history 
of time, and the struggle through which our ancestors 
had passed, were too plain in tho memory of loyal 
Americans to allow the Government of the United 
States to go down, merely to gratify the whims of am- 
bitious politicians. 

After the surrender of General Lee and the capture 
of Jefferson Davis, the Rebel brigades and battalions 
elsewhere, quickly followed in the wake, and soon the 
survivors of the lost cause were homeward bound. The 
Confederacy having thus gone down and out, the Fed- 
eral troops were ordered home to be paid off and hon- 
orably mustered out of service. 

One by one the Kansas regiments, battalions, and 
batteries of artillery, with their ranks depleted, came 
marching home, turned over their untarnished flags to 
the State, and then the brave survivors of the bloodiest 

322 



HOMEWARD BOUND 223 

war of modern times resumed the peaceful pursuits of 
life. 

For a while the Rebel bushwhackers, outlaws, and 
sneak-thieves generally along the eastern and southern 
borders of Kansas, defied the civil and military authori- 
ties and attempted to continue their dastardly deeds of 
crime. But in Kansas they were handled without 
gloves and peace was speedily restored. General C. 
M. Dodge, a true soldier, was assigned to the command 
of the Department, with headquarters at Fort Leaven- 
worth; and with his assistance these marauders were 
quickly rounded up and mustered out of service, or 
.'furnished with quarters in the State Penitentiary. 

INDIAN MARAUDERS 

But not so with the wild Indians of the plains, whom 
the Confederate authorities had armed, equipped, and 
started on the war-path. When the grass sprang up 
in the Spring of 1865, these savage barbarians came 
out from their winter haunts and waged a relentless 
warfare against the frontier settlers of Kansas and 
Nebraska. 

To protect the lives and property of the people and 
suppress this wide-spread insurrection, the Eleventh, 
Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Kansas regi- 
ments were sent to the plains; also a number of regi- 
ments from Colorado and elsewhere. But the nomads 
were wary and hard to catch. Their field of operations 
extended from Southern Kansas to North Dakota. 
Their main objective points were the frontier settle- 
ments of Kansas and Nebraska and the overland routes 
of travel and transportation from the Missouri River 
to the Western Territories. 

The Platte River seemed to be the dividing line be- 
tween the Northern and Southern Indians. For ma- 
rauding purposes the overland route and country north- 
ward belonged to the Sioux tribes and their allies; 
while the old Santa Fe trail and settlements in West- 



224 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ern Kansas belonged to the Cheyennes, Arapalioes, 
Kiowas, and Comanches. 

During the Spring and Summer of 1865, Colonel 
Cloud, with the Fifteenth Kansas and some other 
troops, held the Southern Indians off the frontier set- 
tlements, except on two or three occasions, when small 
parties dashed in and captured a number of horses and 
other property. But in spite of the troops many dep- 
redations were committed on the Santa Fe and Smoky 
Hill overland routes. Emigrant trains and trains 
loaded with merchandise for New Mexico and other 
Western Territories were captured and a number of 
people killed. 

Thus the summer wore away, with the State and the 
War Department endeavoring to protect the settlers 
and the lines of travel; and the Interior Department 
and its agents trying to protect the hostile Indians. 
It was an anomolous sort of proceeding, but no more so 
than the so-called Indian policy adopted by the Interior 
Department at the close of the Civil War and adhered 
to for four years thereafter, while the State of Kan- 
sas was trying to push its settlements westward, and 
the Government was endeavoring to secure the build- 
ing of a railroad to the Pacific. But of this policy and 
its results, I shall hereinafter make mention. 

In the Fall of 1865 the hostile Indians returned 
as usual to their winter haunts and the Kansas Vol- 
unteers were ordered home and mustered out of serv- 
ice. That left the State virtually on its own resources. 
It was in the days of reconstruction following the Civil 
War, and most of the United States troops were on 
duty in the South. 

STATE AFFAIRS 

On my return from the East in April, 1865, having 
secured full recognition of the State by the authorities 
at Washington, and made satisfactory arrangements in 
New York concerning State finances, I set about to re- 



HOMEWARD BOUND 225 

construct matters generally and place the State in line 
with the other States of the Union. 

As yet but little had been done. The War of the 
Rebellion had disturbed things generally. The feud 
among ambitious politicians in Kansas had been raging 
with great fury during the war. The election of a U. 
S. Senator and State officers, when there were no va- 
cancies, and the impeachment of certain State officials, 
had kept the politicians in a state of turmoil and strife, 
which left our proud young Commonwealth in a de- 
plorable condition financially and otherwise. No 
money, no credit, no State buildings nor institutions, 
and no standing before the Executive Departments of 
the Government at Washington. 

But the Kansas troops in the field had made their 
mark, and notwithstanding the political muddle at 
home, the flag of the State was still flying. In every 
important battle west of the Mississippi and in many 
to the eastward, Kansas soldiers were there and al- 
ways found in the front line; and that is where the 
State in its civil affairs should have stood from the be- 
ginning. But fate decreed otherwise, and I had to take 
things as I found them. 

Soon: after assuming the duties of the office, I 
rounded up the cattle thieves and turned them and 
their stolen herds over to General Dodge. Then the 
thieves, robbers, and murderers along the border were 
brought to a standstill and disposed of in a way com- 
mensurate with their evil doings. 

In the early Spring of 1865 the Adjutant General's 
office was reorganized, with experienced officers and 
men in charge, who soon made it a model office. The 
record of every Kansas officer and soldier in the Civil 
War was made up, and will be read by future genera- 
tions. 

During the Summer the State Militia was reorgan- 
ized and placed on a footing where they could be of 
service when required. The general officers and the field 



226 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

and staff, as already shown, were men of military ex- 
perience, and many of the enlisted men were veteran 
soldiers who had served in the Civil War. 

These preliminary arrangements for the preserva- 
tion of the record of Kansas soldiers and the protec- 
tion of the lives and property of our citizens being com- 
pleted, I turned my attention to the necessities of the 
State from other than a military standpoint. 

As yet our State Capitol, State Penitentiary, and 
State institutions were all in embryo. Most of them 
had been located, but that was all, except a contract 
which had been let for the building of one wing of the 
Penitentiary, but which had been violated and was 
about to involve the State in litigation. So, as a matter 
of fact, we had nothing with which to set up house- 
keeping, except the State Seal, a lease on some leaky 
buildings, and quite an assortment of bills payable. 

P>ut the War of the Eebellion was over, the Union 
armies were disbanded, and a million soldiers were at 
their homes throughout the country adjusting them- 
selves to the new order of things. The young ladies 
of the country had been waiting patiently for the 
return of their fiances and were now ready to enlist, 
" go West, and grow up with the country." The boys 
in blue, fresh from the field of battle, where their cour- 
age and powers of endurance had never been ques- 
tioned, were now ready to surrender at discretion and 
be led away whithersoever their tyrannical bosses 
might choose to take them. 

IMMIGRATION SOCIETY 

Knowing something of the characteristics of these 
battle-scarred veterans, and how susceptible they would 
be when returned home, I organized an Immigration 
Society in Topeka and set about to inform the veterans 
and others of the opportunities, advantages, and vast 
natural resources of the State of Kansas. During the 
Spring- and Summer of 1865 I prepared and dis- 



HOMEWARD BOUND 227 

tribnted throughout the States east of the Mississippi 
many thousand copies of pamphlets and circulars, 
showing the vast amount of rich agricultural and graz- 
ing lands in Kansas that were open to settlement under 
the homestead and preemption laws. 

Gradually the tide of immigration, which pre- 
viously had been to Minnesota and the Northwest, 
turned to Kansas, and by the early Fall every road 
leading from the East was lined with emigrant wagons 
coming our way. Many immigrants also came by 
boat up the Missouri River and by rail over the Han- 
nibal and St. Joseph road. For four years we kept up 
this immigration work until Eastern Kansas was well 
occupied, and the immigrants were moving westward 
at a rapid rate. Until the railroads reached the in- 
terior of Kansas, most of the settlers came in wagons, 
and brought with them horses, cattle, and other things 
of value that added to the taxable property of the 
State. 

This enabled the Legislature and State authorities 
to begin work on much needed State buildings and 
State institutions. Thus the first year of my adminis- 
tration as Governor passed with every good citizen at 
the wheel. At an early date orders were issued to the 
sheriffs and State troops in border counties, " Let no 
guilty man escape," be he a bushwhacker, or criminal 
of any other class, color, or previous condition. Some 
of the '^ Knights of the Brush " were killed outright; 
others were hanged legally; and the remainder were 
safely lodged in the penitentiary. 

At the close of the year peace reigned supreme and 
prosperity was visible on every hand. Our own gal- 
lant soldiers, who had given their State an imperish- 
able name, were home from the war and busy selecting 
partners for the ^' quadrille," and homesteads on the 
public domain. Their comrades from other States, 
with their happy courageous brides who had waited pa- 
tiently for the cruel war to close, were coming. The 



228 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

roads were lined with covered wagons, and new homes 
were springing np on every hand. 

It was a picturesque scene; a panorama that will 
never be forgotten by the pioneer settlers. The tide of 
immigration having thus been turned to Kansas, no ef- 
fort was spared in keeping it coming our way. Stead- 
ily the immigrants pushed southward and westward; 
new counties were organized; new towns sprang up, 
and new fields of golden grain stretched away as far as 
the eye could reach. 



CHAPTER XVII 
1866 

RAILEOADS INDIAN DEPREDATIONS BATTLE FLAGS 

SUICIDE OF SENATOR LANE RE-ELECTED GOVERNOR 

A DOUBLE WEDDING STATE UNIVERSITY STATE AGRI- 
CULTURAL COLLEGE. 

THE year 1866 opened bright and promising to Kan- 
sas. It bade fair to be a year of peace and plenty. 
The bushwhackers and marauders on our eastern and 
southern borders having been suppressed, and the hos- 
tile Indians being away in their winter haunts, the set- 
tlers everywhere throughout the State felt secure in 
their homes. 

On the ninth of January the Legislature convened 
at Topeka,* organized, and notified the Governor of 
their readiness to receive any message or communica- 
tion he might have to make. 

Among the many laws enacted by the Legislature of 
1866, were the acts providing for the erection of the 
State Capitol Building, the State Penitentiary, the 
Deaf and Dumb Asylum, and other State institutions. 
Also acts authorizing the sale of Internal Improve- 
ment lands, Agricultural College lands. University, 
and Normal School lands. Also acts providing for a 
Geological survey and the sale of lands for State pur- 
poses. This Legislature was liberal, progressive, and 
conservative. The two Houses scrutinized every act, 
and did what they believed to be for the best interests 
of the State. 

On the twenty-seventh of February the Legislature 

*See Appendix. 

229 



230 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

adjourned; and soon thereafter proposals were pub- 
lished for the building of the east wing of the State 
Capitol and the north wing of the State Penitentiary. 
While the architect was preparing his plans for these 
buildings, I proceeded to New York and sold the bonds 
which had been authorized by the Legislature; and 
when I returned, the contracts were awarded and the 
work of construction was commenced. 

KAILROADS 

Meantime the Kansas Pacific Railroad was pushing 
its way westward from Wyandotte and Leavenworth, 
along the Kansas and Smoky Hill valleys, toward Den- 
ver City and the Pacific Ocean. Early in March the 
road was completed to Topeka, and opened for travel 
and transportation. On the twenty-fifth of June, the 
Missouri Pacific was completed to Kansas City, which 
made a continuous line from Topeka to the Atlantic 
seaboard. On the first of July, 1866, the Kansas Pa- 
cific was completed to Junction City, from which point 
the overland mail and stage coaches to Santa Fe and 
the West subsequently started. On the same day the 
first through passenger train started from Leaven- 
worth, over the Missouri River and Missouri Pacific 
Railroad to St. Louis. 

By the original Act of Congress, the route of the 
Kansas Pacific (U. P. E. D.) was from Fort Riley to 
the point where the Union Pacific crossed the one 
hundredth meridian in the State of Nebraska. But on 
the third of July, 1866, Congress changed the route 
to a line running west from Fort Riley to Denver City, 
and thence in a northwesterly direction to the Union 
Pacific. As soon as this change was made, the Kansas 
Pacific Company definitely located their line on the 
Smoky Hill route, and pushed forward the work of 
construction. 

Their grading parties were strung out along the 
new route, and soon reached the '* Great American 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES — 1866 231 

Desert," extending from our frontier settlements to 
the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains. This vast 
plain, or so-called desert, during the summer season, 
was covered with a mat of nutritious grass, and inhab- 
ited by countless millions of buffalo, deer, antelope, and 
other wild animals, and roving bands of wild Indians. 
The '' Great American Desert " of ancient times had 
passed away, and a most beautiful country, robed in 
green and jewelled with winding streams of living 
water, beckoned the coming of railroads and the white 
man's civilization. 

INDIAN DEPREDATIONS 

But not SO with the wild beasts and savage bar- 
barians. They seemed to regard themselves as mon- 
archs of all they surveyed, with rights that none could 
dispute. Especially was this true of the barbarians. 
They roamed the plains in search of something to kill 
or somebody to rob. That was their business, their 
profession, and they had been trained to it by white 
renegades and incompetent, dishonest officials, who 
cared nothing for the Indians or for the defenceless 
frontier settlers. 

Early in the Spring of 1866 the ** noble " red sav- 
ages, fresh from their haunts in the western part of 
the Indian Territory, where they had been supplied 
with food, clothing, arms, and ammunition, during the 
previous Winter by U. S. Indian Agents, made their 
appearance on the old Santa Fe Trail and along the 
Smoky Hill, Solomon, and Republican Rivers, and be- 
gan to commit depredations on overland trains, trans- 
portation, railroad grading parties, and the frontier 
settlers. 

To meet these barbarians I organized a battalion 
of State troops along the western border, and held the 
companies in readiness for action when occasion re- 
quired. By this means I protected the frontier set- 
tlements and prevented them from being rolled back 



232 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

by tlie Indians ; but the overland transportation to and 
from New Mexico, Colorado, and the West, and the 
construction parties on the Kansas Pacific Railroad, 
suffered heavy losses. 

General Hancock was in command of the Depart- 
ment, with headquarters in St. Louis, but he had only a 
few troops of cavalry on duty in Kansas. Neverthe- 
less, he did all that could be done under the circum- 
stances, as will be observed from a despatch of which 
the following is a copy: 

Headquarters Department op Missouri, 

St. Louis, Mo., August 28, 1866. 
Governor Crawford, 

Topeka, Kansas: 
I have received your despatch to General Hoffman, con- 
cerning Indian troubles on the Solomon. I have directed 
a scout of one hundred cavalry, from Fort Ellsworth, in that 
vicinity. Where can they meet a company of State militia, 
now scouting in that vicinity, so they can operate together? 
I have also ordered a company of cavalry from Fort ,Ells- 
worth to Fort Kearny, and will notify General Cooke, so when 
they arrive in his department he can use them against the Jn- 
dians, if necessary. I will do all I can to protect the set- 
tlers, and shall always be glad to have any suggestions from 
you. The company is an addition already in Solomon's 
Fork. 

(Signed) Winfield S. Hancock, 

Major General Commanding. 

Early in May I ordered out a company of State 
troops on the northwestern frontier, which after scout- 
ing a few days, met and had a sharp engagement west 
of Lake Sibley with a roving band of Cheyennes. After 
this engagement the Indians fell back on the plains and 
continued to harass emigrants and overland trans- 
portation, until driven back to their haunts by the 
storms of winter. 

While this Indian warfare was being waged on the 
plains, the work on our public buildings and State in- 
stitutions was progressing steadily. The left-over 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES — 1866 233 

bushwhackers and outlaws along our eastern border 
having been suppressed, peace once more reigned su- 
preme in Eastern Kansas. 

BATTLE FLAGS 

The War of the Rebellion having drawn its weary 
length to a close, I issued a circular of which the 
following is a copy: 

State of Kansas, Adjutant General's Office, 

ToPEKA, June 1, 1866. 
The battle flags borne by Kansas Soldiers in the late war 
for the preservation of the Union, will be formally received 
by the State authorities at the city of Topeka on the 4th of 
July next, to be deposited among the archives of the State, 
there to be sacredly preserved and ehe'rished as emblems of 
the true devotion and patriotism of her noble sons, dead and 
living, to the cause of LIBERTY and UNION. 

All officers and soldiers of Kansas in service during the 
Eebellion are cordially invited to be present and take part 
in the ceremonies of the occasion. 

By order of S. J. Crawford, 
Gov. and Commander-in-Chief. 
T. J. Anderson, 
Adj't General of Kansas. 

In pursuance of this invitation, many of the Kansas 
soldiers were in Topeka on the day mentioned, and 
turned their battle-scarred flags over to the State, 
where they are now in safe keeping. 

On the twenty-fifth of July, Congress made a grant 
of lands to aid in the construction of the Kansas and 
Neosho Valley Railroad, and on the twenty-sixth an- 
other grant, to aid in the construction of a road from 
Fort Riley to Fort Smith, Arkansas. These roads were 
subsequently consolidated and became the Missouri, 
Kansas, Texas. 

Grants of land were also made to the Atchison, To- 
peka, and Santa Fe ; the Leavenworth, Lawrence, and 
Galveston; the Central Branch, and the Kansas City, 



234 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Fort Scott, and Gulf roads, in 1863, and work thereon 
was commenced in 1866. 

These grants insured the building of the roads ; and 
that, in turn, insured the rapid development of the 
State. For ten years Kansas had been in the throes of 
turmoil and strife, and the people were weary and anx- 
ious to settle down on homestead and preemption 
claims, and grow us with the country. 

A few of the old guard, however, who had been play- 
ing politics as a profession, and proclaiming war to the 
knife and the knife to the hilt, when the enemy was at 
a distance, were still in the saddle. They suddenly dis- 
covered, after the fighting was all over and Lee had 
surrendered, that they were really mad, and it seemed 
for a while as though nothing would restrain them from 
an indiscriminate massacre of what was left of the Con- 
federate troops. According to their notion of warfare, 
the soldiers who had been at the front, fighting for four 
years, had failed ignominiously in completing their 
work. *^ Nary Eebel should they have left to tell the 
tale." But by degrees their wrath subsided; and the 
next heard of them was that the whole bunch — thir- 
teen in all — were candidates for Governor. 

A new enemy had appeared on the political field, 
Andrew Johnson was then President, and his policy 
on reconstruction did not suit them. His home was in 
the South, where slavery had existed before the war, 
and while he had been a stanch Union man and always 
opposed to slavery, he had positive ideas as to what the 
political status of the Freedmen should be. 

On the eighteenth of March, 1866, a Bill entitled 
*' An Act to protect all persons in the United States in 
their civil rights, and furnish the means of their vindi- 
cation," was passed by Congress and transmitted to 
the President for his approval. This bill, among other 
things, declared all persons of African descent, born 
in this country, to be citizens of the United States, and 
conferred upon such persons the right of suffrage. On 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 1866 235 

the twenty-seventh, for various reasons given, the Bill 
was vetoed by President Johnson; and on April 9 it 
was passed by Congress over the veto. This caused a 
breach between the President and the Republican 
party, which continued to widen until Articles of Im- 
peachment were preferred against the President by the 
House of Representatives. 

Senator Jas. H. Lane, of Kansas, voted for this Civil 
Rights Bill on its original passage, but voted against 
passing it over the President's veto, and that set Kan- 
sas on fire against the Senator. Indignation meetings 
were held in Lawrence and other important towns, 
disapproving of his vote on the veto message. This dis- 
approval of his action in the Senate brought the Sena- 
tor home, where he hoped to stay the tide of public 
sentiment that had set in against him. 

SUICIDE OF SENATOR LANE 

He arrived in Lawrence June 16, but was coldly re- 
ceived by his former friends. On the eighteenth he 
made a speech in Topeka and endeavored to explain his 
vote and justify his action. On the twentieth he started 
back to Washington, but was taken sick at St. Louis 
and returned to Leavenworth on the twenty-ninth, 
stopping with his brother-in-law, General McCall, near 
that city. On the first of July he shot himself with a 
derringer, and died on the eleventh. Of this tragedy 
The Leavenworth Conservative said : 

On Sunday evening [July 1], being apparently in com- 
parative good health and sound mind, Senator Lane rode out 
with Mr. McCall from the Farm House. During the time 
he made excuse to leave the carriage several times, seemingly 
having a morbid plan of self-destruction, until, arriving at 
a gate, McCall alighted to open it. As the latter reached the 
gate, Senator Lane sprang from the carriage and, being then 
in the rear of it, exclaimed " Good-bye, Mac! " and imme- 
diately fired a pistol, the muzzle being placed in his mouth. 
The ball struck the roof of the mouth and emerged from about 
the upper centre of the cranium, having passed through the 



236 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

brain and almost perpendicularly through the head. With 
a convulsive spring into the air, the Senator fell, apparently 
lifeless, to the earth. The evidently pulseless body was im- 
mediately placed in the carriage by those accompanying — 
McCall and Capt. Adams, a brother of Gen. Lane's son-in- 
law — and taken to the house, and surgeons summoned as 
speedily as possible, who proceeded to make examinations as 
to the nature and extent of the wound. At present writing 
(12M.) the Senator is still unconscious, and no hopes are en- 
tertained of his recovery. 

Thus ended the life of James H. Lane, who in many 
ways was a remarkable man. He was bom in Law- 
renceburg, Indiana, June 22, 1814. He was Colonel of 
the Third Indiana Infantry in the Mexican War ; Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of Indiana, 1849 ; elected to Congress 
in 1852; came to Kansas in 1855; participated in the 
early struggles to make Kansas a Free State; was 
elected to the United States Senate in April, 1861, and 
reelected in January, 1865. While yet a Senator he 
came home from Washington, organized a brigade, and 
made an expedition to Osceola, Missouri. But being a 
United States Senator, and having no right, as such, to 
command troops in the field, he retired from the army 
at an early date and resumed his place in the Senate. 

At his death in 1866 the duty devolved on me of ap- 
pointing his successor. That, in turn, caused many 
statesmen, in embryo or otherwise, to stand up and take 
notice. They all wanted the appointment, and some of 
the applicants pressed their claims with a tenacity of 
purpose disgusting in the extreme. 

After carefully considering the matter, I appointed 
Edmond G. Ross, of Lawrence, who was subsequently 
elected to the position by the State Legislature. Ross, 
himself, had recommended the appointment of another 
man, but I knew him to be an honest, straightforward 
soldier of sterling worth and unflinching courage ; and 
on that account he was appointed. I had seen him on 
the field of battle amid shot and sheil that tried men's 
souls, and I knew he could be trusted. 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES — 1866 237 

The appointment of Ross was well received by the 
people generally and especially by the Kansas soldiers 
who had served with him in the field and those who had 
known him before the war. At the time of his appoint- 
ment he was editor of The Lawrence Daily Tribune, 
and a steadfast Republican. Nevertheless his appoint- 
ment did not please all the '^ statesmen " who had re- 
mained at home during the war and had been playing 
politics for their own personal benefit. 

They could see why the appointment was bad ; and 
so seeing, they joined forces with the mugwumps and 
Anti-War Democrats and turned themselves loose on 
the open prairie to tell the people what to do. The 
State administration, in their estimation, was a total 
failure, and must be suppressed by the nomination of 
some one of themselves for Governor. Otherwise, they 
would unite all opposition and smash the Republican 
party. There were just thirteen of these political 
patriots, each one of whom was a candidate for Gover- 
nor, and most of whom had been standing candidates 
since the admission of the State into the Union. 

After an all-summer campaign, made by these self- 
sacrificing statesmen, while I was on the border en- 
deavoring to protect the frontier settlers against hos- 
tile Indians and attending to the duties of the office in 
other parts of the State, the delegates to the State Con- 
vention were elected; and on September 5, 1866, the 
Convention assembled at Topeka. 

KE-ELECTED GOVERNOB 

The Convention was called to order by Jacob Stot- 
ler, of the State Central Committee, and Dr. J. P. Root, 
late surgeon of the Second Kansas Cavalry, was elected 
President. It was composed of eighty-two delegates, 
of whom the thirteen mad warriors, who had been 
snuffing the battle from afar, had eighteen votes. On 
the first ballot I received sixty-four votes, and on the 
second was unanimously nominated for a second term. 



238 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

For a while some of the defeated candidates sulked in 
their tents, but finally came out and pretended to sup- 
port the ticket. It was elected November 6, by majori- 
ties ranging from 9,335 to 11,580; my majority being 
11,218. 

For the sake of harmony in the Eepublican party, 
the Convention allowed two of the patriots whose feel- 
ings had been lacerated by the appointment of Ed. Ross, 
to be placed on the ticket ; and it so happened that the 
majority at the polls for these two excellent statesmen 
fell below that of all other candidates on the ticket. 
Nevertheless they were elected; and thereafter the 
terms upon which the Confederate armies were allowed 
to surrender were not so bad after all. At least we 
heard no more about a renewal of the war and the ex- 
termination of the Rebels. 

The election over and the wild Indians of the plains 
having returned to their winter quarters, the people 
of Kansas, for the first time in their history, felt secure 
in every part of the State. Immigration was pouring 
in from the East ; railroads were ploughing their way 
westward, and new towns were springing up in all 
directions. 

During the Summer of 1866, John G. Whittier, the 
bachelor poet, came out to Leavenworth to deliver a 
lecture. Before leaving Boston he expressed a desire 
to meet some of his bachelor friends while in Kansas. 
Judge Bailey of the Supreme Court, was both a bache- 
lor friend and an admirer of the poet, and hence, anx- 
ious to meet him. 

As guests of the Judge, Mr. Holman, a merchant of 
Topeka, and myself accompanied him to Leavenworth; 
met Mr. Whittier, and had the pleasure of hearing him 
recite one of his favorite poems. The Poet, being him- 
self a bachelor, could speak from the record ; and while 
he did not seem in haste to take his own medicine, he 
gave it to Judge Bailey and his party in liberal doses. 

In vivid colors he pictured the lonely home on the 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES — 1866 239 

prairie, the author's den in the city, the professor in 
college, the judge's seat on the bench, and the chair of 
state — occupied hj bachelors. And yet, what he said 
was not so much as the way he said it. We, the Topeka 
contingent, knew quite well that we were not doing our 
duty, but being somewhat timid, we hesitated about en- 
listing in the Benedictine army. 

A DOUBLE WEDDING 

However, the great Poet set us a-thinking, and ere 
long three bachelors bowed to the inevitable and sur- 
rendered at discretion. Mr. Holman and I had been 
selected by Judge Bailey to lead the advance, and he 
was to follow within supporting distance. For further 
particulars of this engagement I must refer the reader 
to a contemporary report, which appeared in The To- 
peka Record, as follows : 

The Daughter of a Good Mother 

Married — On Tuesday evening, 27th inst., 8:30 o'clock, 
at Grace Church, by the Rt. Rev. Bishop T. H. Vail, assisted 
by Revs. Lee and Reynolds, Gov. Samuel J. Crawford, and 
Miss Isabel M. Chase. 

At the same time and place, by the same, Mr. Isaac H. 
Holman, and Miss Helen E. Tuttle. All of Topeka. 

It gives us pleasure to chronicle the above. 

Our worthy Governor, and honest JMerchant, have taken 
a very important step in life in leading to the hymeneal 
altar two of the fairest and purest daughters of the land. 

The church was crowded. The ceremonj* was very inter- 
esting and impressive. The Bishop pronounced them man 
and wife, and then friends and acquaintances came forward 
to take the happy parties by the hand, and perhaps imprint 
a kiss on the brow of the new-made wife, and say those lov- 
ing things suitable to the occasion. A.n hour was spent thus, 
when the bride-grooms took their departure for the respective 
homes of the brides, there to receive presents and make ready 
for the intended bridal trip. 

At eleven o'clock, p. m., there were fifty-two of us took 
a special car accompanying the bridal-party as far as Wyan- 



240 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

dotte, reaching that place just as the rosy god of morn was 
showing the tips of his golden wings. 

It would be impossible for us to put on paper the many 
good things that were said and performed by the bridal 
party, Major T. J. Anderson, master of ceremonies, being as- 
sisted by Gen. John Ritchie, Col. Lawrence, J. W. Steele, 
Esq., John Fletcher, S. R. Remington, C. C. Kellam, and in 
fact by the entire party. 

Gov. Crawford expressed himself to the effect, that he 
was glad it was over ; having reference, we presume, to the 
" ceremony " that bound him to the woman of his choice. 

Time passed swiftly. Songs and merriment, with now 
and then a basket of cake, or a glass of * ' native, ' ' around the 
circle, and all was enjoyment. 

Cakes, nuts, fruit, candies, and '' native " were stored in 
abundance in the rear end of the coach, and the waiters were 
busy from the time we stepped in at Topeka until we stepped 
out at Wyandotte. 

If, perchance, some unlucky individual happened to close 
their eyes, ' ' tickets ! ' ' would ring in their ears. 

Woman was there: 

"Whose form and whose soul 
Are the spell and the light of each path we pursue: 
"Whether sunn'd in the Tropics or chilled at the Pole, 
If Woman be there, there is happiness too." 

And without the presence of woman, the affair would 
have been tame, indeed. 

Judge Bailey was there, too, and his presence and counsel 
contributed much to the general mirthfulness and joyous- 
ness of the occasion. 

At Wyandotte we took breakfast, gave a look around the 
town, and were visited by ex-Governor J. P. Root, and W. W. 
Wright, General Superintendent of the Union Pacific Rail- 
way, E. D. These gentlemen seemed well pleased, and ex- 
erted themselves to please. Gov. Root is one of Topeka 's 
oldest and warmest friends. Mr. Wright is much of a gen- 
tlemen, and it is said that he has no superior as a successful 
railroad-man. 

After breakfast we escorted the bridal party to the de- 
pot, and after affectionate leave-takings, took the return 
train for Topeka. 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES — 1866 241 

Although there was not as much vivacity exhibited on the 
return trip, yet there was a fund of enjoyment, and luck- 
less he or she who cared not to participate. We owe a num- 
ber of good ones, in return for several already received, and 
they will be paid in due season, with interest compounded. 

The wedded parties were happy, and took the sallies of 
their friends with the best of humor. 

The following named persons composed the outfit. 
Others were invited but failed to come to time. 

Gov. Samuel J. Crawford and wife; Isaac H. Holman 
and wife; T. J. Anderson and wife; Col. Ritchie and wife; 
Col. Lawrence and wife ; Col. Veale ; Judge Safford and wife ; 
J. F. Cummings and wife ; Dr. Martin and wife ; C. C. Kel- 
lara and wife ; E. P. Kellam and wife ; Fielding Johnson and 
wife ; Mr. Sheldon and wife ; S. R. Remington and wife ; Col. 
Rankin and wife; and Judge Miller, of Lawrence, and Miss 
Montgomery, Miss Case, Misses Otis, Mrs. Elmore, Mrs. 
Munro, Miss Ward, Miss Butterfield, Miss Elmore, Miss 
Fitzgerald, Miss Torrey, Dr. Kennedy and sister; and Jake 
Smith, G. W. Anderson, J. W. Steele, Jno. Fletcher, Mr. 
Newson, Mr. Lakin, Geo. Chase. We may have missed the 
names of some of the party, and if so, shall be pleased if we 
are corrected. 

There were no accidents, and it seemed to us that the 
party could not have been better chosen for enjoyment. And 
we only hope that we may be successful in getting an in- 
vitation to the next, even if the joyousness were cut down 
one-half. Who comes next? Let the good work go on until 
not one is left to tell of single blessedness. 

The following account is from The Topeka Ledger: 
The Double Wedding 

For once rumor proved correct. It had been whispered 
around town for several days that there would be two couple 
married in the Episcopal Churcli Tuesday evening, Nov. 27. 
At early candle light last evening the church was lighted, 
and soon crowds began to gather. The time for the ceremony 
was 8 P. M., but the house was as full as it could hold at 
least an hour previous to that time. Nearly all the ladies 
secured seats, but the gentlemen were obliged to stand. The 



242 KANSAS IN THE glXTlEg 

aisles, windows, and galleries were packed. Every inch of 
standing-room had been used. At ten minutes past eight, 
Samuel J. Crawford, Governor of Kansas, and Isabel M. 
Chase, daughter of Enoch Chase, Esq., of this city, came into 
the church, together with Isaac H. Holman and Miss Helen 
Tuttle. Both couples at once proceeded to the altar, and 
were united in the holy bonds of wedlock. Bishop Vail of 
the Diocese of Kansas, was the officiating clergyman, assisted 
by Rev. J. N. Lee of Grace Church and Rev. Mr. Reynolds of 
Ft. Riley. 

The brides were dressed precisely alike, being dressed in 
very rich white silk, with long lace veils extending nearly to 
the feet and adjusted to the head with a bridal wreath of 
orange blossoms. They wore no ornaments, but their appear- 
ance was neat, chaste, and very becoming. After receiving 
congratulations from friends, the wedding party, with fifty 
or sixty invited guests started for Wyandotte in a car kindly 
ordered by the U. P. R. R. Co. The party, except the newly 
married couples, are to return to-day. Gov. Crawford and 
Mr. Holman, with their ladies, are going to Saint Louis, to 
be absent about a week. The bride of the Governor has 
lived in this city since 1855, her father being one of the first 
party who settled Topeka. She is known and beloved by all 
of our old citizens. She is popular with old and young. Mr. 
Holman is a merchant in Topeka, where he has lived for a 
number of years, and bears an excellent reputation. Miss 
Tuttle was formerly from Buffalo, New York, but for a num- 
ber of years has been a member of Col. Veale's family. She, 
too, has many warm friends here, having endeared herself to 
a large circle of acquaintances. 

Following in the wake of this memorable event, 
Judge Bailey, true to his promise, came under the yoke 
and completed the triple alliance. Whatever the effect 
on Holman and myself may have been, one thing is cer- 
tain — a noticeable improvement was thereafter plainly 
visible in the methods, habits, and customs of the 
Judge. He was always a grand good man, but when 
brought under a proper state of discipline, he was one 
6 1 tlie very best. 

And so it is with many old bachelors of the present 




Gen. and :Mks. Samuel J. (Jhawfoud 

(Gen. Crawford at 32 years of age) 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES — 1866 243 

day. What they ought to do most of all things, is to 
select good and true partners for life and live as God 
intended. Every man of proper age should have a 
home of his own. It would be best for him and better 
for the young ladies who are now struggling to support 
themselves. There is no place like home, and especially 
should this be true of young ladies of marriageable age. 

That they can for a while support themselves and 
do certain kinds of work as well, if not better, than the 
men, no one will dispute. But that is not the question 
and should not enter into the equation. Everybody 
knows that the end of such a life is bitter ; and yet the 
good people, as a rule, are doing, unwittingly, every- 
thing they can to encourage it. Their policy tends to 
entice and wean young girls from home and then fit 
them for work that young men could do ; while the girls 
should be perfecting themselves under their mother's 
care for domestic duties, preparatory to getting 
married. 

A neat comfortable home and pleasant family should 
be the object of all the young people. That was the 
prevailing sentiment in Kansas at the close of the Civil 
War and for many years thereafter, and as a result, we 
now have a State peopled with good American citizens 
of sterling worth. 

STATE UNrVERSITY 

On the twelfth of September, 1866, the first session 
of the State University opened with three professors 
and forty students. The Board of Regents consisted of 
Charles Robinson, J. D. Liggett, W. A. Starrett, T. C. 
Sears, J. S. Emery, D. P. Mitchell, S. 0. Thacher, C. B. 
Lines, J. L. Wever, E. M. Bartholow, G. W. Paddock, 
and C. K. Holliday. 

STATE AGRICULTUEAL COLLEGE 

This all-important institution, having been endowed 
by Congress with a grant of ninety thousand acres of 



244 KANSAS IK THE SIXTIES 

land, and permanently located by an Act of the Legisla- 
ture, approved February 16, 1863, was in due time 
opened under the auspices of the State. 

The new State Board of Regents consisted of Judge 
L. D. Bailey, S. D. Houston, J. G. Reaser, John Pipher, 
T. H. Baker, W. L. Woodworth, R. Cordley, E. Gale, 
and D. Earhart. In the fall of 1866 the College opened 
with a suitable corps of professors and one hundred 
and fifty students. 

Meantime work on the new State Normal School 
building and other State buildings was rapidly 
progressing. 

Thus the first term of my administration glided by 
and on into the new year, with fair, if not flattering 
prospects, for the future of our proud young com- 
monwealth. 



CHAPTER XVin 

SECOND TERM 

IMPORTANT LAWS — PROTECTION FOR THE FRONTIER — HOS- 
TILE INDIANS. 

THE year 1867 opened brightly. On the first of Jan- 
uary the new Normal School building at Emporia, 
having been erected by the State, was dedicated to the 
higher education of the youth of Kansas. This splen- 
didly equipped institution, upon which depends largely 
the efficiency of our public schools, shows to some ex- 
tent the wisdom of those who laid the foundation for 
our educational system. 

On the eighth of January the Legislature assembled, 
organized, and notified the Governor that the two 
Houses were ready for business.* 

This Legislature, although somewhat disturbed at 
the beginning, by reason of having two United States 
Senators to elect, settled down to steady work at an 
early date. On the twenty-third of January the Sena- 
tors were elected — the Hon. S. C. Pomeroy for six 
years, and the Hon. E. G. Ross for four years. I had 
previously appointed Ross as Senator Lane's successor, 
and as a matter of course was gratified to have the ap- 
pointment ratified by the Legislature. 

IMPORTANT LAWS 

During the session many important laws were en- 
acted, among which were the following : 

An act to define the boundaries of Cowley, McPher- 
son, Sedgwick, Sumner, Jewell, Mitchell, Lincoln, Ells- 

*See Appendix. 

245 



246 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

worth, Rice, Reno, Harper, Smith, Osborn, Russell, 
Barton, Stafford, Pratt, Barbour, Phillips, Rooks, 
Ellis, Rush, Pawnee, Kiowa, Comanche, Norton, Gra- 
ham, Trego, Ness, Hodgeman, Ford, and Clark 
Counties. 

An act changing the boundaries of Cherokee, Craw- 
ford, Neosho, Labette, Wilson, Butler, Marion, Dick- 
inson, Howard, Greenwood, and Montgomery Counties. 

An act ratifying the XIV Amendment to the Consti- 
tution of the United States. 

An act establishing the Blind Asylum at Wyandotte. 

An act to aid Kansas State Agricultural College. 

An act relating to the State Capitol Building. 

An act to provide for building bridges. 

An act to establish the Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, and 
Ninth Judicial Districts of the State of Kansas. 

An act relating to the revision of the laws. 

An act to prohibit the selling of intoxicating liquors 
in the unorganized counties of the State of Kansas. 
And many other acts of importance to the State. 

On the fifteenth of January, 1867, the oath of office 
was administered to the new State officers by the Hon. 
S. A. Kingman, Chief Justice of the State Supreme 
Court. 

With the new administration came a number of 
changes in the Field and Staff of the Governor. Col- 
onel T. J. Anderson, Adjutant General, having com- 
pleted the record of Kansas troops in the Civil War, 
resigned, to engage in other work. Colonel D. E. Bal- 
lard, Quartermaster General, resigned, to accept a posi- 
tion as one of the Commissioners to audit and correct 
the Price Raid Claims. Colonel W. F. Cloud, resigned, 
to engage in business at Carthage, Missouri. 

To fill these several vacancies, the following gentle- 
men were appointed, namely : 

J. B. McAfee, Adjutant-General. 

J. G. Haskell, Quartermaster General. 

Harrison Kelley, Major General. 



SECOND TERM 247 

Cyrus Leland, Brigadier-General, vice Kelley promoted. 
Ward Burlingame, Private See., vice McAfee transferred. 

On the seventeenth of January, 1867, General W. 
W. Wright, Superintendent of the Kansas Pacific Rail- 
road, reported to the Governor that the work on that 
road was commenced at Wyandotte in August, 1863; 
forty miles was completed in 1864; one hundred and 
ten miles, in 1865-66, with the track then laid to a point 
twenty miles west of Fort Riley. He also stated that 
Shoemaker, Miller & Co. were to complete the road to 
the two hundred and eighty-fifth mile-post during the 
year. 

On the ninth of February the Legislature appointed 
a Committee to investigate the Senatorial election. 
After a careful investigation the Committee concluded 
their report as follows : 

And while this testimony is not sufficient of itself to au- 
thorize your Committee to make a special recommendation 
for definite action on the part of the Senate, they here record 
their conviction that money has been used for the base 
purposes of influencing members of the Legislature to dis- 
regard the wishes of their constituents, and to vote as money 
dictated; and regret their failure to procure the evidence 
necessary to demonstrate the facts to the people of the States. 

After the Senatorial election the work of the Legis- 
lature moved along smoothly until the Bill for defining 
the boundaries of certain counties and establishing new 
counties in Central Kansas was introduced. Then a 
war to the knife began. This bill, of itself, was right 
and necessar}^, as all the members knew. 

The counties along our southern border from Cher- 
okee to the Arkansas River were twenty-five by fifty 
miles in breadth and length, and the occupants wanted 
them cut in halves, and counties of the usual size cre- 
ated. The country west of Marion and Saline Counties, 
extending across the State and westward, was unor- 
ganized and beyond the reach of our civil authorities. 



248 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

It was a rendezvous for thieves, robbers, and roving 
bands of Indians. Ranclimen were there with herds of 
taxable property; and traders, whose principal busi- 
ness was to supply hostile Indians and outlaws gener- 
ally with arms, ammunition, and bad whiskey. 

To reach these knights of the plains and bring them 
within reach of the law, I prepared, and had intro- 
duced in the House of Eepresentatives, a Bill establish- 
ing and defining the boundaries of some thirty-six new 
counties, and attaching them to organized counties 
along the western border for judicial purposes. 

While this all-important Bill was pending before the 
Legislature, a Committee of five of the leading citizens 
of Leavenworth came to Topeka and had introduced 
in the Senate a Bill authorizing the State to endorse 
and guarantee the payment of the interest on five mil- 
lion dollars of the bonds of Leavenworth City, to be is- 
sued for internal improvement purposes. 

Soon after their arrival, the Committee submitted 
their proposition to me and asked for help. After lis- 
tening to their arguments, I called attention to a clause 
in our Constitution which says : " The State shall never 
be a party in carrying on any works of internal im- 
provements." To this they replied with the usual 
argument, that ' ' the State, of course, would never have 
to pay anything," and that they were going to make 
the effort at any rate. I told them that they could use 
their own judgTuent, but that they must figure from the 
beginning on a two-thirds vote in the Legislature be- 
cause I would veto their Bill if it should be presented 
to me. 

In some way these gentlemen, who seemed to think 
the Legislature could override the Constitution, dis- 
covered that the State authorities were exceedingly 
anxious to have the new County Bill enacted into a law, 
and immediately they set about to defeat that Bill or 
else force its friends to support their wildcat scheme 
but in this they reckoned without their host. The 



SECOND TERM 249 

County Bill was passed, and their pet measure went 
the way of all bad bills in that Legislature. The de- 
feat of that audacious raid on our Constitution saved 
the State from bankruptcy, and the Legislature from 
disgrace. 

On the twenty-sixth of Februarj^ in pursuance of 
law, I appointed S. A. Riggs, James McCahon, and 
John M. Price as Commissioners to codify the laws of 
the State. 

On the third of March the Legislature, having com- 
pleted its work, adjourned sine die, and the brave boys 
who had stood resolutely in defence of the Constitution 
and fought manfully for such legislation as they be- 
lieved to be essential, returned to their respective 
homes conscious of having done their duty. 

That Legislature, having created four new Judicial 
Districts, I immediately thereafter appointed as Judges 
of the Courts so created : 

D. P. Lowe, of Linn County, Sixth District. 

Wm. Spriggs, of Anderson County, Seventh District. 

Jas. Humphrey, of Riley County, Eighth District. 

S. N. Wood, of Chase County, Ninth District. 

Soon after the adjournment of the Legislature, I 
proceeded to New York and disposed of State bonds 
which had been authorized to aid in pushing forward 
the work on our new State Capitol and other public 
buildings. This duty having been performed, I went 
over to Washington to arrange with the Secretary of 
War and the General of the Army for the protection 
of our frontier settlements, overland travel, and trans- 
portation to the West, and working parties engaged in 
the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad, E. D. 
(subsequently designated as the Kansas Pacific), then 
pushing its way across the plains westward. 

PROTECTION FOR THE FRONTIER 

On arriving at Washington I found the War De- 
partment and General Grant — that matchless soldier 



250 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

who extended the right hand of peace to the fallen foe 
at Appomattox — ready and anxious to suppress the 
hostile Indians and insure a lasting peace on our fron- 
tier. They already had General Hancock, with such 
regular troops as could be spared, in the field near 
Fort Dodge, Kansas, to intercept the Indians moving 
northward from their winter haunts. 

After completing arrangements for cooperating 
with the War Department and General Grant to the 
fullest extent, I called on the Secretaiy of the Interior, 
whose Department had charge of Indian affairs, gen- 
erally. I found the Secretary unadvised, if not indif- 
ferent, to everything pertaining to the wild, hostile 
tribes. He assumed to know all about them and politely 
informed me that if there should be any trouble, he 
would attend to the matter at the proper time. 

I told him in language not to be misunderstood, that 
the proper time was then ; that the Cheyennes, Arapa- 
hoes. Apaches, Kiowas, and Comanches were already 
in Kansas, committing depredations, and that General 
Hancock was at that time (April, 1867) in the field with 
his troops scattered along the Arkansas Valley, en- 
deavoring to hold them back. 

I also told him that his U. S. agents and licensed 
traders had supplied these hostile Indians with food 
and clothing during the past Winter, and with arms and 
ammunition to be used against the frontier people of 
Kansas during the Spring and Summer. I further told 
him that the Government, through these vile creatures, 
had been doing the same thing for three years and 
more ; and that I thought it was about time to let up on 
that particular humanitarian policy of the Interior 
Department. 

Gradually the Secretary began to take notice, and 
finally agreed that no more arms or ammunition should 
be issued to the wild tribes, while they were on the war- 
path. But his promise was broken almost before I 
reached Kansas. 



SECOND TERM 251 

Early in the Spring, bands of these Indians broke 
through Hancock's lines on the Arkansas River and 
moved north to the Smoky Hill, Solomon, and Repub- 
lican valleys, where they committed atrocities and out- 
rages most brutal and barbarous. While they were 
thus dodging the U. S. troops and ravaging the frontier 
settlements and commerce of the plains, a vast amount 
of Indian supplies, including arms and ammunition, 
was shipped to Atchison, Kansas, under contract with 
the Indian Office at Washington, and loaded into wag- 
ons and started to the Southwest, to be issued to the 
Cheyennes and Arapahoes, who were known to be on 
the war-path. 

The day the train (twelve loaded wagons) crossed 
the Kansas River at Lawrence, I was notified, and also 
informed of the arms and ammunition it contained. Im- 
mediately upon receipt of this information, I tele- 
graphed General Sherman at St. Louis, and told him 
that if he did not take possession of the train and pre- 
vent the issuing of the arms, ammunition, blankets, and 
other supplies to the squaws and Indians in camp, 
whose tribes were then committing depredations in 
Kansas, I would burn the whole outfit before they 
reached their destination. General Sherman imme- 
diately sent a cavalr>^ troop from Fort Riley, which cap- 
tured and conveyed the train and supplies to Fort 
Larned, where they were held under guard until a 
treaty was made with the Indians late in the fall of that 
year. 

HOSTILE INDIANS 

When I returned from Washington, in April, 1867, 
General Hancock was in the field with a handful of U. 
S. troops, and the plains of Kansas were swanning with 
bloodthirsty Indians. Early in the Spring, as had been 
anticipated, the Indians began to concentrate their 
forces for the purpose of a general war against the 
whites, and also for the purpose of preventing the con- 



252 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

struction of the Pacific railroads. Having received 
such information, I immediately notified Generals Sher- 
man and Hancock of the same. In reply, I received the 
following communication from General Hancock: 

Headquarters Department of the Missouri, 

In the Field, Near Fort Dodge, Kansas, 
April 27, 1867. 
Governor S. J. Crawford, 
Topeka, Kansas: 
Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
communication, forwarding the letter from Mr. E. D. 
Straight, dated Marion Centre, March 22d, 1867; also a 
former petition of some citizens of southwest Kansas, asking 
for protection from the Indians of the plains. You would 
have received a reply from me before this time on this sub- 
ject, but that the papers above referred to were prevented 
from reaching me sooner on account of my having been 
constantly moving since the 25th of March. 

I have recently stationed a company of cavalry at Fort 
Larned, with instructions to patrol the country in that vi- 
cinity ; and about the first of May will have another company 
of cavalry stationed on the Little Arkansas, to patrol the line 
of that stream for the security of that region of country. 
With the troops I have at my disposal at present, this is 
about all I can accomplish in this matter, and I trust it 
may be sufficient. Other movements of troops that are now 
taking place against the Sioux and Cheyennes between 
the Arkansas and Platte, will, no doubt, assist in keeping 
the Indians of the plains quiet, and prevent incursions into 
the settlements. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

WiNPiELD S. Hancock, 
Major General U. S. A., Commanding. 

In addition to the above letter I received also a copy 
of an order detailing two companies to be stationed on 
the northwesteni frontier, with instructions to patrol 
the country across from the Republican to the Solomon 
and Saline Rivers; and soon thereafter I received in- 
formation from the General, saying that another com- 



SECOND TERM 258 

pany had been stationed in the southwest, with instruc- 
tions to protect and guard that portion of the State. 

These companies, together with all other troops on 
duty in this department, did everything in their power 
to prevent Indian depredations ; but having a border of 
two hundred miles in length, the public thoroughfares 
from Kansas west, and the working parties on the Pa- 
cific Railroad, to protect, they were inadequate to a 
work of such magnitude. 

Portions of five tribes of hostile Indians — allied 
for purposes of war and crime, thoroughly organized, 
armed, and equipped, and regularly receiving their an- 
nuities and other supplies from the Government, under 
treaty stipulations — constituted the main force which 
was operating with such deadly effect in Western 
Kansas. 

The hostile Indians, having succeeded in murdering 
and scalping many men, women, and children, and cap- 
turing or destroying property to the value of millions 
of dollars, and in also completely blockading the routes 
of travel (except when opened by military escort) from 
Kansas to the mineral States and Territories west ; and 
believing, as they had reason to believe, that they would 
be sustained by the continued leniency of the Govern- 
ment, became so emboldened as seriously to threaten 
the destruction of our entire western border. 

On the eighth of May I received a despatch from 
the frontier as follows : 

Gov. S. J. Crawford, 

Topeka, Kansas: 

We, the undersigned citizens of the frontier, appeal to 
you in behalf of our families, who are in danger of being 
killed by the Indians. 

On yesterday, a war party struck the settlements in 
White Rock Valley, and killed two men and one woman, and 
wounded one boy, who escaped to tell the sad story. Others 
are missing; supposed to be captured or killed. Many fam- 
ilies are leaving their homes, and cannot return unless they 



254 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

have protection. We appeal to you for help and protection 

against these merciless savages. 

(Signed) Geo. W. Glover, 

Wm. Nye, 
O. Huntress, 
and thirty-six others. 

The above was endorsed as follows : 

Clay Center, May 8. 
If you can do anything, do it promptly, that the settlers 
may return to their homes, and save their stock and other 
property. 

N. Green, 
Lieutenant-Governor. 

Soon after the receipt of this despatch, petitions 
numerously signed were received from the citizens of 
the Republican, Solomon, and Smoky Hill Valleys, and 
from Marion, Butler, and Greenwood Counties, detail- 
ing murders and robberies committed by the Indians 
all along the border, and asking for military protection. 
In response to these and many other letters, despatches, 
and petitions of similar import, received at the execu- 
tive office almost daily, I ordered small detachments of 
militia to the most exposed localities. But it was found 
impossible to afford protection without calling out a 
battalion of State troops. 

While the State authorities were thus engaged in 
an effort to restore quiet and protect the frontier set- 
tlements, the United States officers on duy in the de- 
partment were equally active, although the limited num- 
ber of troops at their disposal was wholly inadequate 
to prevent the frontier settlements from being rolled 
back, and the lines of overland travel abandoned. 

This situation grew rapidly worse until June, cul- 
minating in a simultaneous attack by the Cheyennes, 
Arapahoes, and Kiowas, upon the settlers in the Re- 
publican, White Rock, Solomon, and Smoky Hill Val- 
leys, and upon the grading and engineering parties on 



■ SECOND TERM 255 

the Kansas Pacific Railroad, west of Fort Harker, as 
shown by the following despatches : 

Junction City, Kas., June 21, 1867. 
Governor Crawford: 

Thos. Parks, one of our principal contractors, and' three 
other men, were killed by Indians on Tuesday. Gen. Smith 
says we have all the protection he can give. Can you not 
give us a regiment of infantry militia at once, to protect 
our working parties and the frontier settlements? 

R. M. Shoemaker, 
General Supt. U. P. R. R., E. D. 

On the twenty-fourth of June, the following was 
received : 

Leavenworth, Kansas, June 24, 1867. 
Hon. S. J. Crawford, Governor of Kansas: 

I have just returned from Fort Wallace, over the line of 
the U. P. R. R., E. D. The Indians along the whole line are 
engaged in their savage warfare. On Saturday, three more 
of our men were killed and scalped. Our laborers, one thou- 
sand or more, have been driven in. Unarmed men cannot be 
expected to expose themselves to these savages. General Han- 
cock is away west of Fort Wallace, so I cannot apply to him, 
and I do not know where a despatch will reach General Sher- 
man. In this emergency, I do not know to Avhom else to ap- 
peal but to you. What can be done to put an end to these 
atrocities ? 

John D. Perry, 
President U. P. R. R. Co., E. D. 

On the same day, the above despatch, together witli 
the following, was transmitted to the Secretary of War : 

Topeka, Kansas, June 24, 1867. 
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, 
Washington, D. C. : 
I send you a copy of despatch from John D. Perry, Pres- 
ident of the Union Pacific Railway Co., E. D., just received. 
This road, west of Fort Harker, the routes of travel across 
the plains, together with our frontier settlements, will all 
have to be abandoned, if prompt and decisive measures are 
not adopted. I can, within a short time, furnish the Gov- 



256 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ernment with a sufficient force to put an end to frontier de- 
predations. Do you desire aid? 

S. J. Crawford, 

Governor. 

To this the Secretary replied: 

Washington, D. C, June 27, 1867. 
Gov. S. J. Crawford, 
Topeka : 
Your despatch has been referred to General Grant, for 
his action. Lieut.-General Sherman commander of the mil- 
itary division of the Missouri, has immediate charge of 
military operations against the Indians, with authority to 
furnish all necessary supplies, and, upon your requisition, 
will furnish arms, ammunition, and whatever is necessary. 

E. M. Stanton, 
Secretary of War. 

On the twenty-fourth of June I received the follow- 
ing despatch : 

Our locating party, under Colonel Greenwood, was at- 
tacked by Indians, west of Monument Station, Saturday 
morning. The Indians fought four hours for the possession 
of the camp, but were finally repulsed. Our men killed two 
Indians, but lost their stock. 

R. M. Shoemaker. 

Later, on the same day, the following was received : 

Governor Crawford: 

The Indians have killed two more of our men, near Bun- 
ker Hill Station, and driven the workmen all off the line. 
Please send us arms and ammunition. Unless you send ns 
protection, our work must be abandoned. 

R. M, Shoemaker. 

On receipt of the above, I immediately telegraphed 
commanding officer at Fort Leavenworth, as follows : 

Topeka, Kansas, June 24, 1867. 
Commanding Officer, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: 

Will you issue to the State ten thousand rounds of am- 



SECOND TERM 257 

munition? The Indians have attacked and driven back the 
railroad men west of Harker. 

S. J. Crawford, 
Governor. 

June 28, the following was received: 

Leavenworth, June 28, 1867. 
Gov. Crawford: 

The following despatch has just been received : 

'' Fort Harker, June 28, 1867. 
R. M. Shoemaker: 

My camp was attacked by Indians yesterday, at 7 A. M. 
We lost one man killed, and one badly wounded. Five In- 
dians were killed. 

J. B. Riley, 

Engineer." 
Unless we are promptly protected, all the men will be 
driven off the work, and the citizens out of the country. 

R. M. Shoemaker. 

On the twenty-seventh of June General A. J. Smith 
called on me for a battalion of volunteers, but on the 
morning of the twenty-eighth the requisition was with- 
drawn; whereupon I sent the following to Gen. 
Sherman : 

ToPEKA, June 28, 1867. 
Gen. W. T. Sherman, 

St. Louis, Mo. : 

Gen. Smith this morning recalled his requisition for vol- 
unteers. This leaves our frontier settlers, railroad jnen and 
all others in western Kansas, exposed, and liable to be mur- 
dered and scalped at any moment. What shall be done? I 
cannot move against the Indians with militia, but will, if 
desired, furnish the Government with a volunteer force suffi- 
cient to put an end to these outrages. The Secretary of 
War informs me that full power is vested in you, and the 
management of the whole affair committed to your discretion. 
If so, I do earnestly hope you will call out a volunteer force, 
and move against the Indians at once. 

S. J. Crawford, 

Governor. 



258 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

In reply to this, the following despatch was 
received : 

St. Louis, Mo., July 1, 1S67. 
Gov. S. J. Crawford: 

You may call out a volunteer battalion of six or eight 
companies, to be at end of track on Saturday next. I will 
come in person. 

W. T. Sherman, 
Lieutenant General. 

On the same day came the following: 

Fort Leavenworth, Kan., July 1, 1867. 
Gov. S. J. Crawford: 

Lieut. Gen. Sherman telegraphs me that he called on you 
for six or eight companies of cavalry, to be at the end of 
the railroad (Fort Harker) the last of this week. Will have 
an officer at Fort Harker to muster them as soon as notified 
that they are ready. The companies will be entitled to one 
lieutenant-colonel, two majors, eight captains, eight first 
lieutenants, eight second lieutenants, and not less than sixty 
privates, nor more than seventy-eight, to each company. 
Arms and other supplies will be furnished at Fort Harker. 

Chauncy McKever, 
Brevet Brig. Gen., and A. A. G. 

call for state teoops 

State of Kansas, Executive Office, 

ToPEKA, July 1, 1867. 
Whereas the central and western portions of the State of 
Kansas are now, and have been for some time, overrun with 
roving bands of hostile Indians; and whereas these Indians, 
though claiming protection from the United States Govern- 
ment, and regularly receiving their annuities in due form, 
have, without cause, declared war upon the people of this 
State; they have indiscriminately murdered, scalped, mu- 
tilated and robbed hundreds of our frontier settlers and 
other parties in Western Kansas, who were quietly attending 
to their own legitimate affairs; they have almost entirely cut 
off communication between Kansas and other Western States 
and Territories ; the men employed in the construction of the 
U. P. R. R., E. D., have been driven back, leaving many of 



SECOND TERM 259 

their number butchered and scalped upon the ground. Gen- 
eral Sherman and other United States officers are doing all 
in their power to suppress hostilities, but they have not a 
sufficient force of United States troops to execute their design, 
and have called upon me for a battalion of cavalry to aid 
in the work. I shall, therefore, as speedily as possible, or- 
ganize eight companies of volunteer cavalry, to be mustered 
into the United States service for a period of six months, 
unless sooner discharged. Said companies will be armed, 
equipped and paid by the General Government, the same as 
other troops in the United States service. 

Recruiting officers will be appointed as soon as the names 
of suitable persons can be forwarded to this office. 

I appeal to all good citizens of this State to favor, fa- 
ciliate, and aid this effort to protect the lives and property 
of our frontier settlers. 

S. J. Crawford, 
Governor of Kansas. 

On the second of July the following was received : 

Fort Harker, July 2, 1867. 
Gov. Crawford: 

Please telegraph me the number of companies and strength 
of each, called for by Gen. Sherman, to arrive at this point 
soon, that I may make necessary provisions for them. 

A. J. Smith, 
Brev. Maj. Gen. U. S. A. 

On the fifth the following was received : 

Fort Harker, July 5, 186 f. 
Governor Crawford: 

Arms and accoutrements have been forwarded from Leav- 
enworth to this point, for the Kansas troops. Quartermas- 
ter's and commissar}^ stores are now arriving. The troops 
will be mustered at this place by an officer sent from Leaven- 
worth, 

A. J. Smith, 
Brev. Maj. Gen. U. S. A. 

Immediately after the proclamation, recruiting of- 
ficers were appointed, and a battalion of four compa- 



260 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

nies of cavalry hastily organized and mustered into the 
U. S. Service at Fort Harker, Kansas, on July 15, 1867. 
This battalion was designated as the Eighteenth Kan- 
sas Cavalry, with Field and Line Officers,* 

The officers had previously won their spurs by deeds 
of daring during the Civil War; and the enlisted men 
were mostly veteran soldiers. 

When the battalion was in line, being mustered into 
service at Fort Harker, the cholera was raging in the 
garrison and three of the Kansas boys were stricken 
down while the oath was being administered. The re- 
mainder, however, stood firm and when the ceremony 
was over, marched off the parade ground with a steady 
step. 

Immediately on being mustered into service. Major 
Moore took the field and went in red-hot pursuit of the 
savage barbarians. He moved over to the Arkansas 
Valley, and from there worked his way northward on 
the trail of the hostiles, until they began to see the 
handwriting on the wall. 

He had about three hundred brave, determined sol- 
diers ; and as he advanced, the roving bands began to 
concentrate west of the settlements along the Smoky, 
Solomon, and Republican Valleys. They called to their 
assistance bands of the Sioux and Northern Cheyennes, 
until their numbers were estimated at from eight hun- 
dred to one thousand. 

When advancing northward on the main trail of the 
Southern Indians, Major Moore detached two compa- 
nies of his battalion (Captains Barker and Jenness) 
and sent them in pursuit of hostile bands that were 
threatening the grading parties along the railroad west- 
ward to Fort Harker, while he pushed northward be- 
tween the settlements and other bands toward the Sol- 
omon and Republican Rivers. 

Major Elliott, with a battalion of the Seventh Cav- 
alry, was in the field north of Hayes, and Captain 

*See Appendix. 



SECOND TERM 261 

Armes, with his troop of the Tenth Cavalry, was ope- 
rating on the Saline and Solomon Rivers in advance of 
Moore and Elliott. As already stated, the Indians were 
concentrating in force on the Solomon and Republican. 

Evidently it was the intention of General Hancock 
to concentrate his three columns gradually and strike 
the Indians with his combined force, but Captain 
Armes, who, as yet was widely separated from Moore 
and Elliott, struck a large body of warriors in the Sa- 
line Valley, and being reinforced with two companies 
of the Eighteenth Kansas (Barker and Jenness), drove 
them north to the Republican, where the Indians in 
large numbers were concentrated. 

Instantly a battle royal was on, which continued for 
two days. Armes had about two hundred men in action 
and the red-skins about eight hundred. The result of 
this battle was briefly stated in a despatch from Gen- 
eral Hancock as follows : 

Fort Harker, Kansas, Aug. 26, 1867. 
Governor Crawford: 

Capt. Armes, Tenth Cavalry, with one company of his 
regiment and two companies of the Eighteenth Kansas Vol- 
unteers, was attacked on the 21st inst., at noon, on the Re- 
publican River, by a large force of Indians, reported to be 
800 or 1,000 in number, and were engaged until the night of 
the 22d. Our troops, about 150 in number, covering a wide 
space of country, were finally forced to retire, with a loss of 
three men killed and left on the field, and thirty-five 
wounded, who were brought in. The command also lost 
forty horses during the engagement. Capt. Armes reports 
a large number of Indians killed and wounded; Lieut. Price 
of the Eighteenth Kansas, says about 150. The command 
encamped about three miles from Fort Harker last night. 
Maj. Moore, of the Eighteenth Kansas, with the remainder of 
the battalion, and Maj. Elliott, of the Seventh Cavalry, with 
about two hundred men of that regiment, started this morn- 
ing for the Indians. 

Winfield S. Hancock, 

Maj. Gen. U. S. A. 



262 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Captain Armes was an impetuous, daring young of- 
ficer who could brook no delay. The Indians had been 
dodging and baffling the troops all summer; and the 
Captain, not knowing that they had concentrated in 
foKce, dashed in against five to one, and soon found him- 
self on the defensive. Had he waited for Moore and 
Elliott, or either of them, the Indians could have been 
rounded up and much of the stolen property recap- 
tured. A few days after this engagement, Major 
Moore, with his battalion, struck a portion of these 
same Indians and scattered them to the four winds. 

The northern Indians returned to their own coun- 
try, and the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, and Co- 
manches retreated southward, committing depreda- 
tions as they went. Their supply train having been 
captured and taken to Fort Larned in the summer by 
General Sherman's order, they ran short of ammuni- 
tion, blankets, and provisions, and hence, were not in 
condition to continue on the war-path. Besides, the 
troops were on the trail and they were endeavoring to 
make good their escape. Their supplies from the Gov- 
ernment having been cut off, and the Indian traders 
having been warned not to furnish them any more guns, 
ammunition, or other war material, they were in an un- 
pleasant predicament, 



CHAPTER XIX 

COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 

STATEMENT OF INDIAN DEPREDATIONS INDIAN DI- 
PLOMACY TREATIES BAD OSAGES THANKSGIVING 

PROCLAMATION. 

DURING the Summer the Indians had raided the 
frontier settlements northward to the Republican 
River and routes of travel, westward to the Colorado 
line. They had killed, wounded, and scalped a large 
number of men, women, and children. They had robbed 
and burned the homes of settlers; captured and de- 
stroyed overland trains ; murdered the grading parties 
on the Kansas Pacific Railroad; and committed other 
atrocities too numerous to mention, — all with arms and 
ammunition furnished them by United States Indian 
agents and Indian traders. 

The agents were under the control of the Indian Of- 
fice at Washington, and it was largely through their 
recommendation and misrepresentations that the 
wicked policy then in vogue was adopted by the Gov- 
ernment and persisted in by the Interior Department. 
There, under the same Government, was the War De- 
partment, with an army in the field, endeavoring to 
suppress Indian hostilities, and at the same time, the 
Interior Department, furnishing the same hostile In- 
dians with supplies and munitions of war. Back of the 
Interior Department was a gang of thieving Indian 
agents in the West, and a maudlin sentimentality in the 
East, derived from Cooper's novels and impressed 
upon that Department by ignorant but well-meaning 
humanitarians. Back of the War Department were the 

263 



264 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Army in the field, the State authorities on the ground ; 
the mutilated bodies of hundreds of frontier settlers; 
and the prayers of many helpless and homeless women 
and orphan children for protection, all along the 
border. 

Generals Hancock and A. J. Smith, and many other 
reliable officers were in the field and kept the Govern- 
ment at Washington well informed of the situation, but 
their official reports had little weight in the Interior 
Department, the fountainhead of all the trouble from 
Indians that year. The report of a disreputable Indian 
agent would take precedence in that Department over 
the reports of army officers every time. 

The train of supplies, en route to the Indians, which 
was seized and taken to Fort Lamed by order of Gen- 
eral Sherman, left the Indian women and children of 
the war-parties without food and clothing, and the war- 
riors with only the ammunition they carried with them 
when they went north in the Spring, and such as they 
could buy from Indian traders. By seizing the train 
above mentioned, which was said to contain fourteen 
hundred pounds of ammunition, Sherman clipped the 
wings of the Indian agents, and that left only the trad- 
ers as the source of supply for the Indians on the war- 
path. Gradually the traders were rounded up, and the 
supply entirely cut off. 

Being out of ammunition and retreating southward, 
closely pursued by our troops, the Indians were met by 
messengers from the Peace Commission and invited to 
a general Council to be held on Medicine Lodge Creek 
in South Central Kansas, early in October. This was 
joyful news to the redskins, because Winter was ap- 
proaching, and their families were destitute of almost 
everything except buffalo meat. 

They knew it meant general amnesty and a full par- 
don of the crimes they had been committing; they knew 
they would be allowed to keep all the horses, mules, and 
other property stolen or captured during the Spring 



COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 265 

and Summer; they knew they would receive food and 
clothing for themselves and their families sufficient for 
the Winter. Of course, they were ready and anxious 
to meet the Great Father in Council and agree to what- 
ever he might put on paper for them to sign. 

The U. S. troops and the Kansas cavalry were called 
off the trail and stationed at points of observation. 
General Hancock returned to Fort Leavenworth, and 
the ** noble red men " moved on to the designated 
Council grounds, with the scalps of white people dang- 
ling on their belts as they rode into camp. 

The Peace Commission that was to meet them and 
treat with them at Medicine Lodge was composed of 
the following gentlemen: 

Hon. N. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

General W. S. Harney, U. S. Army. 

General A. H. Terry, U. S. Army. 

General C. C. Augur, U. S. Army. 

General J. B. Sanborn, U. S. Army. 

Senator J. B. Henderson, U. S. Senate. 

Colonel S. F. Tappan, Citizen. 

General Wm. T. Sherman was also a member of the 
Commission, but was not able to attend this council. 
By his invitation, however, the Hon. E. G. Ross, Dr. 
J. P. Root, Colonel J. K. Rankin, and I were present, 
and to some extent participated in the council 
proceedings. 

STATEMENT OP INDIAN DEPKEDATIONS 

At the opening of the Council I submitted a state- 
ment relative to Indian depredations on the frontier, 
as follows: 

ExEcuTrvTE Office, 
ToPEKA, Kan., Oct. 5, 1867, 
Hon. N. 6. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
and President of the Peace Commission ; 
Sirs: By request I have prepared, and herewith submit 
to your Board, the following statement relating to our Indian 
troubles. 



266 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

In this brief statement it is unnecessary to refer to the 
cause of these troubles or rather to the origin of this war ; for 
such it is and has been, since the Minnesota massacre of 
1863. 

The Sioux Indians, who committed such horrible out- 
rages in that State, being driven out, immediately set about 
forming an alliance with other wild tribes of the plains for 
the purpose of a general war. 

Emissaries were at once sent to the Cheyennes, Kiowas, 
Apaches, and Comanehes, with propositions which were 
readily accepted by these tribes. A general war was agreed 
upon, to be commenced as soon as arms and ammunition 
could be procured. 

The alliance thus formed, though comparatively weak at 
first, has rapidly grown into a powerful army ; well organized, 
armed, and equipped. 

During the past three years, thousands of our people have 
been murdered and scalped; hundreds of women captured 
and outraged ; and millions of property destroyed or stolen 
by these red-handed fiends. Kansas alone has shared a large 
portion of these and other outrages, to say nothing of those 
committed upon the people of other States and Territories 
bordering on the plains. 

The following brief sketch will show a few of the atrocities 
committed in Kansas and upon citizens of Kansas since 1865 : 

" On the 26th day of July, 1865, Sergeant A. J. Custard, 
with 26 men of the 11th Kansas Cavalry, while escorting a 
train to Platte Bridge, was surrounded and attacked by 1,500 
Indians. After a desperate fight of three hours, his ammuni- 
tion being expended and one-half of his men having fallen, 
he was overpowered and taken. Custard was bound with 
telegraph wire to the wheel of a wagon and burned alive. 
The wounded were placed in the wagons and also burned alive. 
Another man was tied by the wrists and swung to a telegraph 
pole, and while in this position was cut from head to foot 
and his nerves or sinews draT\Ti out. The others were tor- 
tured in a similar way ; some of them having their hands and 
feet cut off while they were still living. 

** The horses, arms, and clothing belonging to the men 
were taken by the Indians, who afterwards boasted of the 
manner in which Custard and his men were taken and tor- 



COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 267 

tured to death. This is but one of the great many attacks 
made upon detachments of the 11th Kansas during the year 
1865. I refer to this instance to show that the Indians were 
in force and intended war at that time. 

During the same year they attacked a train with which 
two of our best citizens and their families were crossing the 
plains to Colorado. The Indians approached the train pro- 
fessing to be friendly. After traveling along for two days 
and when they had gained the confidence of all connected 
with the train, at a given signal they made an attack and 
murdered every white man but one who escaped. The two 
women were taken prisoners; one of whom soon after made 
her escape; the other was detained by the Indians and sub- 
jected to the most outrageous treatment for seven months, 
when she was ransomed by the Government upon the payment 
of $3,000. The horrible treatment of this woman during 
her captivity can only be described by herself. 

" During the past three years the Comanche and Kiowa 
Indians have captured and treated in a similar manner a 
great many women and children, whom they have sold to 
the Government through the instrumentality of their agent, 
J. H. Leavenworth, who says his Indians are at peace and 
have committed no depredations. 

** Last year the frontier settlers on the Republican, the 
Solomon, the Saline, and the Smoky Hill, were frequently 
attacked and driven in by small bands of hostile Indians. In 
May, 1866, they attacked a small settlement on the Republican 
River, killing six men and capturing twenty-five head of 
horses. They also attacked and captured a number of trains 
on the Smoky Hill and Arkansas routes. Early last Spring 
hostilities were resumed in the Republican Valley and also 
on the Smoky Hill and Arkansas. 

" In May an attack was made upon the settlers on White 
Rock, west of Lake Sibley. Three men and one boy were 
killed and scalped, and one boy wounded, who made his 
escape while the Indians were scalping his father. Two wo- 
men were taken prisoners; one of whom was outraged by a 
number of Indians and then killed and scalped; the other 
was taken away to suffer a worse fate and has not since been 
heard of. 

" During the same month an attack was made upon 
the settlers in the Solomon and Saline valleys, in which a 



268 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

number of persons, including men, women, and children, were 
killed and scalped and a large amount of property either car- 
ried away or destroyed. 

" About the 1st of June last, a small party of Indians 
made another raid into the Saline Valley and murdered 
the family of Mr. Thompson, consisting of his wife and four 
children. Mr. Thompson, himself, being a few rods from the 
house when the attack was commenced, escaped while the In- 
dians were murdering his wife and children. 

" About the middle of June the Indians in force, made 
an attack upon working parties on the railroad, and upon 
freighters and others along the Smoky Hill, killing a number 
of men and capturing most of the stock on that line. On the 
27th of the same month, about fifty Indians attacked the 
working parties at Wilson's Creek, killing John Kestler, an 
engineer, and wounding a number of employees. On the 
same day they attacked a man by the name of Thompson on 
the Smoky Hill, and captured and drove away a portion of his 
stock. Mr. Thompson has been on the plains since 1832; is 
perfectly familiar with the different tribes of Indians, and 
says those making this attack were Cheyennes and Kiowas. 

" In the month of July they killed and scalped two men 
near Downer's Station, killed and scalped one man near Fos- 
sil Creek, and killed and scalped one man near Walker's 
Creek. On the 28th fifty Indians attacked Clinton and 
Campbell's camp (contractors on the road ten miles east of 
Hays), killed and scalped seven men, including the foreman, 
and captured most of the stock. On the 30th the Station 
at Big Creek w^as attacked, and forty head of horses and 
mules captured. 

" August 5th Mr. Fish, a contractor with twenty-three 
men, was attacked ten miles west of Hays by four hundred 
Indians and driven back three miles to a station, losing a 
number of his men wounded, and a portion of his stock 
captured. Same day Captain Neeley's camp fifteen miles 
west, was attacked by two hundred Indians, who after a 
severe fight of two hours, were repulsed. Damage not 
reported. On the same day, a pacty of one hundred and 
fifty Indians attacked Mr. Logan twenty miles west of Hays ; 
camp taken and burned, and stock all captured. They also 
on the same day attacked the respective camps of Holihen, 
Quinn, Harvey and Todd, and Hall, capturing their stock, 
burning their camps, and driving off all the workmen. 



CX)1JNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 269 

" August 7th, they attacked the camp of Sharp and 
Shaw; killed and wounded a number of men, and captured 
thirty-two head of horses and mules. 

" August 8th, they attacked Mr. Wicks with an engi- 
neering party, west of Hays, wounding one of his men. Same 
day a party of one hundred again attacked Mr. Fish and 
party, driving them off the work. 

" I should have stated in the proper connection that on 
the first of August the Indians attacked Campbell's camp 
near the North Fork of Big Creek; killed seven men, and 
captured nine head of stock. Same day they attacked the 
station of the Overland Stage Company at Big Creek ; killed 
and wounded a number of persons, and captured thirty head 
of stock. 

" There were many other depredations committed during 
the month of August — on the Smoky Hill, Arkansas, Repub- 
lican, and Platte — all of which can be easily ascertained by 
your board if it is desired. Since it was known to the 
Indians that the Peace Commissioners were en route to meet 
them in Council, our people suffered more from them than at 
any previous time. 

" September 7th, they killed and scalped Frank Malone, 
a trader on Cow Creek, twenty-six miles west of Ellsworth, 
after which they sacked and burned his store. 

** September 12th, W. G. & John Williams, while making 
hay eight miles west of Ellsworth, were attacked by fifteen 
Indians, wounded, and barely made their escape. Their 
house was robbed and one team captured. The same day 
they obstructed the railroad seven miles west of Ellsworth 
and fired into the train. The arrows used were those of the 
Kiowa Indians. 

** September 14th, the Indians held the road west of 
Hays during the day. Same day the camp of Mr. Logan, a 
contractor, was attacked, and a portion of the stock captured. 

" September 15th, Mr. Eobinson's train was attacked and 
a portion of his stock captured near Haj^s. Same day, Lieut. 
Howard, 5th Infantry, with a train between Hays and Har- 
ker, was attacked, and twenty-five head of stock and other 
property captured. Same day Mr. Logan's working party 
was again surrounded by a large force of Indians, who held 
them in their works for three days. No report of the killed 
and wounded. Same attacked Mr. Haller's ranch and cap- 
tiured most of his stock. 



270 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

" September 19th, Parks, a contractor, forty-five miles 
west of Hays, was attacked and himself and one of his men 
killed, and another wounded ; a portion of his stock captured. 

" While these and many other outrages were being com- 
mitted on the Smoky Hill, the suffering on the Republican 
and Arkansas routes was much worse. 

" September 8th, Powers and Newman's train was 
attacked by three hundred Indians twenty miles east of Fort 
Dodge ; four men killed and a number wounded ; one wagon 
and team captured. Same day a Mexican train was attacked, 
and two hundred mules captured. About the same time 
Kitchen's train was attacked seventeen miles east of Dodge, 
and four wagons, loaded with ordnance stores, captured and 
burned ; one man killed. 

*' About the twentieth of September they attacked a 
Mexican train belonging to Frank Hunning, near Fort Zarah, 
capturing five wagons and all the stock, and killing one 
man and one woman. About the same time a hay party 
near Dodge was attacked ; one man killed and one team 
captured. 

" September 24th, the Indians captured all the stock of 
three heavily loaded trains en route to New Mexico. This 
occurred thirty miles west of Fort Dodge. About the same 
time Gen. Marcy and Gen. Carlton, with an escort of one 
company, were attacked by three hundred Indians; one man 
killed and Lieut. Williams severely wounded. Also about 
the same time and place, Mr. Kitchen's train was attacked, 
and fifty mules captured. Also Gen. Wright's surveying 
party, with an escort of one company, where ten men were 
killed and wounded." 

And so I might go on referring to deeds of atrocity com- 
mitted by the Indians during the past three years; but it 
seems as though the above, in addition to those heretofore 
reported, and those committed in other States and Terri- 
tories, ought to be enough to convince our Congress, as well 
as this Peace Commission, that prompt and decisive 
measures should be at once adopted to punish the Indians 
for what they have done, and secure peace in the future. 

The present policy of the Government, which is to 
encourage the Indians in the most bloody and atrocious 
crimes, which none but these savages are susceptible of com- 
mitting, has been tolerated long enough. 



COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 271 

It is a common saying among the Indians, that the more 
murders they commit, and the more property they capture 
and destroy, the more presents they will receive from the 
Government ; and that capturing women and children, and 
selling them to the Government, is more profitable than steal- 
ing horses. This is virtually paying the Indians — and they 
so understand it — a reward for every scalp taken and a 
premium for ever}^ woman and child captured. 

While the Indians of the plains have been murdering and 
harassing our people on the west, the Osage Indians have 
been committing depredations along our southern border. 
They have during the past twelve months stolen over two 
hundred head of horses and other stock from settlers near 
their reservation. They have committed a number of mur- 
ders and other outrages. 

Their agent. Snow, against whom charges have hereto- 
fore been repeatedly preferred and suppressed, is notori- 
ously unfit and disqualified for the position; and I attribute 
all the troubles arising from these Osage Indians to him 
directly. From the time the last payment was made in the 
Fall of 1866 until within a few weeks past, he had not visited 
their reservation, and not then until he was driven to them 
through fear of being reported and dismissed. 

During the Summer a portion of Agent Snow's traders 
have been supplying the Osage Indians with arms and 
ammunition, which were doubtless taken out and sold by 
them to the wild Indians who have been on the war path. 
Their stolen horses, or a portion of them, were exchanged 
with the hostile Indians for Government horses and mules 
and other captured property, of which there is a large 
amount in the Osage nation at the present time. Had their 
agent remained with them, these and other outrages might 
easily have been prevented. 

In view of these facts and for the purpose of preventing 
further depredations and keeping peace between these 
Indians and our frontier settlers, I would most respectfully, 
but earnestb^ ask that he be removed from the position of 
agent. I have notified the chiefs of this tribe that I should 
hold them responsible, not only for the outrages heretofore 
committed, but for the conduct of their Indians in the future ; 
that if further depredations were committed, they would be 
punished. 



272 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

J. H. Leavenworth, agent for the Comanche and Kiowa 
Indians, is also a bad man. His traders at the mouth of the 
Little Arkansas River, and wherever else he may have them 
stationed, have been supplying the wild Indians of the plains 
with everything necessary to enable them to prosecute the 
war against our people. Hundreds of our citizens have been 
murdered and scalped, and thousands of dollars' worth of 
property captured or destroyed by Indians who received 
their supplies from Leavenworth and his traders. Some of 
them deny having furnished arms and ammunition for such 
purposes, and it may be possible that they are not all guilty 
of that damnable crime. If they are not, they have been 
furnishing them with other supplies which is equally as bad. 

If the present Peace Commissioners succeed in making 
a treaty with the hostile Indians and decide upon still further 
trying the present policy, I would respectfully suggest the 
propriety of appointing some man who can be relied upon as 
agent, in place of J. H. Leavenworth, He in my opinion, is 
directly responsible for many of the outrages committed by 
Indians. The Kiowas and Comanches have been more exten- 
sively engaged in capturing and selling women and children, 
than any other Indians on the plains, and yet he is no doubt 
ready to prove, with affidavits, which cost him probably $0.25 
each, that they have committed no depredations, but that the 
Cheyennes and others have done the work. 

The Cheyennes have committed many depredations, but 
I do not believe that they were on the Arkansas, robbing 
trains and scalping people from Fort Zarah to Fort Lyon ; 
on the Smoky Hill, murdering railroad men, attacking stage 
stations, obstructing the railroad, firing into the cars, cap- 
turing Government trains, etc., from Fort Harker to Fort 
Wallace ; and on the Saline, Solomon, and Republican, com- 
mitting depredations all along these lines at one and the 
same time. If so, the Cheyennes are a powerful tribe. 

Respectfully submitted, 
Sam'l J. Crawford, Governor. 

The Indians were there in force ; bucks, squaws, and 
papooses, five thousand or more, besides their ponies, 
dogs, and stolen horses and mules. 

The Commissioners -on the part of the Kiowas 
were: 



COUNCnii AT MEDICINE LODGE 273 



Satanka, or Sitting Bear. 
Wah-toh-konk, or Black Eagle. 
Fish-e-more, or Stinking Saddle. 
Sa-tini-gear, or Stumbling Bear. 
Cor-beau, or The Crow. 
Sa-tan-ta, or White Bear. 
Ton-a-en-ko, or Kicking Eagle. 
Ma-ye-tin, or Woman's Heart. 
Sa-pa-ga, or One Bear. 
Sa-to-more, or Bear Lying Down. 

On the part of the Comanches : 

Parry-wah-say-men, or Ten Bears. 
To-she-wi-, or Silver Brooch. 
Ho-we-ar, or Gap in the Woods. 
Es-a-man-a-ca, or Wolf's Name. 
Pooh-hah-to-yeh-be, or Iron Mountain. 
Tep-pe-navon, or Painted Lips. 
Cear-chi-neka, or Standing Feather. 
Tir-ha-yah-gua-hip, or Horse's Back. 
At-te-es-ta, or Little Horn. 
Sad-dy-yo, or Dog Fat. 

On the part of the Apaches: 

Mah-vip-pah, or Wolf's Sleeve. 
Cho-se-ta, or Bad Back. 
Ba-zhe-ech, or Iron Shirt. 
Kon-zhon-ta-co, or Poor Bear. 
Nah-tan, or Brave Man. 
Til-la-ka, or White Horn. 

On the part of the Cheyennes : 

0-to-ah-nac-co, or Bull Bear. 
Nac-co-hah-ket, or Little Bear. 
Is-se-von-ne-ve, or Buffalo Chief. 
0-ni-hah-ket, or Little Rock. 
Moke-tav-a-to, or Black Kettle. 
Mo-a-vo-va-ast, or Spotted Elk. 
Yip-po-nah, or Slim Face. 
Wo-pah-ah, or Gray Head. 
Ma-mo-ki, or Curly Hair. 
0-to-ah-has-tis, or Tall Bull. 



274 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Hah-ket-home-mah, or Little Robe. 
Mo-han-histe-histow, or Heap of Birds. 
Wo-po-ham, or White Horse. 
Min-nin-ne-wah, or Whirlwind. 

On the part of the Arapahoes : 

Little Raven. 
Storm. 

Spotted Wolf. 
Young Colt. 
Yellow Bear. 
White Rabbit. 
Little Big Mouth. 
Tall Bear. 

These were the Ministers Plenipotentiary on behalf 
of these wild tribes. 

The U. S. Commissioners and their friends arrived 
and established camp on the north bank of the Medicine 
Lodge Creek, October 2, 1867. The train of supplies 
taken by Sherman's order in the Summer and held at 
Larned, was brought down to the Council grounds and 
the boxes of goods, etc., piled up on top of each other 
in full view, that the Indians might come in and take 
notice. No boxes were set apart or piled up for the 
white women and children, whose husbands and fathers 
had been killed and scalped by the fiendish devils who 
were waiting for the goods in these boxes. 

The bands that had been on the war-path were the 
last to arrive. Their guilty consciences made them cau- 
tious, lest they might run into a trap. But being as- 
sured of safety, they finally came up and pitched their 
tepees some three miles from our camp. 

The next day the Peace Commissioners, represent- 
ing the Great Wliite Chief at Washington, and the Am- 
bassadors, representing the '' Noble Red Men of the 
Plains," assembled in a large tent and, after shaking 
hands all round and smoking the pipe of peace, opened 
the Powwow with a brief dissertation from the Hon. 



COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 275 

N. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, as to the 
object and purpose of the Council. 

INDIAN DIPLOMACY 

What Commissioner Taylor said was received in 
silence, and at the conclusion approved by a sponta- 
neous grunt from the nomads. For a while silence 
reigned supreme, when Bull Bear, the leading war- 
chief of the Cheyennes, rose to his full height of six 
feet, with the dignity of a Roman Senator, and drawing 
his blanket around him carefully to hide his concealed 
weapons, delivered a harangue; which, when inter- 
preted, showed that the Indians were on the war-path 
to prevent Kansas and Colorado from being settled by 
the pale-faces. 

He said the Indians claimed that part of the coun- 
•try as their own, and did not want railroads built 
through it to scare away the buffalo. He said, in his 
peculiar way, a good many things that reflected seri- 
ously on the Indian Policy of the Government and its 
injustice to the Indians. A great deal of what he said 
was rambling, irrelevant, and of no consequence. But 
he did the best he could to justify his people in what 
they had done. Throughout his talk, there was con- 
siderable Indian cunning displayed and much sup- 
pressed Indian viciousness. 

They had been told by Commissioner Taylor, in his 
previous talk, that the " Great Father " wanted the 
Cheyennes and Arapahoes to surrender their claims to 
lands and the right to hunt in Kansas and Colorado, 
and remove south to a reservation in the Indian Terri- 
tory, where game was more abundant; but Bull Bear 
thought they owned all the country east of the Rocky 
Mountains and between the Washita and Platte Rivers. 

Wlien told that they had previously sold and been 
paid for most of their lands east of the Rocky Moun- 
tains, he squirmed and said, '' Yes, but we are now 
ready to make another treaty." To this the other In- 



276 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

dians assented with an impressive grunt. Tlien Little 
Raven, principal chief of the Arapahoes; Ten Bears, 
war chief of the Comanches ; Kicking Eagle, of the Ki- 
owas ; and Wolf's Sleeve, of the Apaches, followed Bull 
Bear in the order mentioned, and repeated, in sub- 
stance, what he had said. 

Little Raven and Kicking Eagle were less vehement 
and more diplomatic than the others. They wanted to 
make peace and be sure of their winter supplies. Be- 
sides, they were both good Indians and opposed to war. 
The Cheyennes were the worst of all, and led in all 
those Indian wars, followed by the young men of the 
other tribes. Satanka and Satanta, two leading Kiowa 
chiefs, warlike and always bloodthirsty, sat quiet 
throughout the morning session nd paid strict atten- 
tion to what was said. 

After all who wished to talk had expressed their 
views, the Council adjourned, to meet the next morn- 
ing. At the appointed time, the same chiefs, with a 
number of new arrivals, were there, and substantially 
the same ground was travelled over as on the previous 
day. 

This farce was repeated from day to day for per- 
haps a week, when all of a sudden, Satanta, of the Ki- 
owas, arose in his place and made a most vicious talk, 
boasting of what he had done, and walked out, followed 
by the other chiefs. His action, to the Army Officers 
present, was significant and foreboded evil. But the 
Council proceeded as usual, and at the proper time ad- 
journed until the next morning. 

When Santanta left the Council with a wicked ex- 
pression all over his face. Colonel John K. Rankin and 
I, also, walked out and over to the camp of our infantry 
and artillery and suggested to the officers in command, 
the propriety of ordering their men to camp and hold- 
ing themselves in readiness for any emergency that 
might arise. 

The next morning Satanta and some other chiefs 



COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 277 

did not attend the Council, nor were any of the Indian 
women or children to be seen about the Council 
grounds. Besides, bands of mounted Indians could be 
soon in the distance scouting around, as they had often 
been seen when on the war-path. A number of the 
chiefs, however, were at the Council the next day as 
usual. 

All that day and a part of the next, there was con- 
siderable uneasiness among the Army Officers, who 
knew the treachery of an Indian. General Terry, the 
most skilful Indian-fighter on the ground, was quite un- 
easy because we had less than five hundred soldiers 
there, while the Indians, all told, had not less than three 
thousand warriors within three miles of our camp. 

Satanta, Tall Bull, and others contemplated an at- 
tack, and, if possible, a massacre of the Peace Commis- 
sioners and all present. But seeing the troops kept 
close in camp, and the artillery trained in their direc- 
tion, their courage failed them. 

Tall Bull was the last to leave the bloody trail and 
come down to the Council. After reaching the Indian 
camp, he formed a part of his band — about two hun- 
dred mounted warriors — and came over to our camp 
in line of battle just as the sun was setting. He crossed 
Medicine Creek and halted a short distance from our 
tents. The Peace Commissioners and their guests 
walked out to meet him. 

As he sat on his horse in front of his line of mounted 
warriors, General Harney, an old Indian-fighter, ad- 
vanced and extended his hand. Tall Bull reached out 
his hand with one finger extended, which was promyjtly 
bruslied aside by the General who took no further no- 
tice of him. It was thought by some of those present 
that that was why the renegades subsequently left the 
Council as tliey did. However, in tlie course of a day 
or so, they returned and negotiations proceeded as 
though nothing had interfered. 



278 KAJsrsAS in the sixties 

TKEATIES 

On the twenty-first a treaty was concluded with the 
Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, and witnessed by a 
number of gentlemen, including Henrj'' M. Stanley, 
afterwards the African explorer and Member of Parlia- 
ment. On the twenty-eighth the Cheyenne and Arapa- 
hoe treaty was signed, and a vast amount of supplies 
delivered to the unruly wards. 

By these treaties the Kiowas, Comanches, and 
Apaches received a large reservation north of Red 
River, on lands that formerly belonged to the Choctaws 
and Chickasaws; and the Cheyennes and Arapahoes 
received a reservation of about three million acres on 
the Cherokee outlet, in what is now the State of Okla- 
homa, in exchange for all the lands owned or claimed 
by them in Kansas and Colorado. 

Having accomplished their purpose by waging a re- 
lentless warfare in Kansas during the summer, they 
were now read;;^ to return to their winter haunts on Red 
River and indulge in sports and war-dancing around 
the scalps of their victims, until the weather was pro- 
pitious for another raid in Kansas. The Peace Com- 
mission had granted them amnesty for past offences 
and given them food, clothing, arms, ammunition, and 
other supplies sufficient for the winter, and that made 
them docile for the time being. 

Thus the great Council of 1867 wound up its aif airs, 
and the Commissioners on the part of the United 
States and their guests, assistants, and escort, folded 
their tents and returned to their wigwams to await 
developments. 

When the troops in the field were called off the trail 
and the Indians invited to the Peace Council at Medi- 
cine Lodge, General Hancock returned to Fort Leaven- 
worth, and soon thereafter was ordered to relieve 
General Sheridan at New Orleans. When informed of 
his going, I addressed a letter to him, of which the fol- 
lowing is a copy : 



council at medicine lodge 279 

Executive Department. 

ToPEKA, Kan., Sept. 10, 1867. 
Maj. Gen. "W. S. Hancock, 
Commanding Dept. of Mo., 
Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. 
General : 

I learn with regret that you are about leaving this 
Department for duty elsewhere. 

Before you go, I beg leave to say in behalf of the people 
of this State, that your untiring efforts in the faithful dis- 
charge of your official duties while here, are fully appre- 
ciated, and that you carry with you wherever you may be 
called, the heartfelt thanks of a grateful people, who through 
your exertions, in part, have been spared from the ravages 
and atrocities of a blood-thirsty foe. 

We are fully aware of the difficulties and embarrass- 
ments, with which you have had to contend, and fully accord 
to you the commendation of having most faithfully dis- 
charged your every duty. 

During the past year many of our people have fallen 
victims to the savage barbarity of hostile Indians; yet the 
blood of none of these rests upon you. 

Accept this as a slight token of appreciation of your val- 
uable and efficient services while on duty in this Department. 
May God grant you health and courage to continue in 
the discharge of your duty as faithfully as j^ou have done 
in Kansas. 

Sincerely yours, 

S. J. Crawford^ Governor. 

In reply, the following was received : 

St. Louis, Mo., October 16, 1867. 
His Exc. S. J. Crawford, 
Governor of Kansas, 
Topeka, Kansas. 
My dear Sir: 

Your letter of September 10th, written on the occasion 
of my being relieved in command of the Department of the 
Missouri, and commending my services while in the exercise 
of that command, has been received and affords me much 
gratification. 



280 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

I regret very much being sent to another field of duty, 
and especially before the Indian question has been finally 
disposed of. 

I believe it is only necessary for any person, not inter- 
ested in trade with the Indians, to travel through the State 
of Kansas from East to West, to fully understand the Indian 
question. That all such persons must come to a like conclu- 
sion can scarcely be doubted. 

That the question will in time be settled in a sensible 
way is certain ; although contrary interests may retard the 
final settlement. 

A judicious course now may prevent the final extermina- 
tion of the Indians, but before anything tending to a per- 
manent arrangement with them can be accomplished, I 
believe it will be necessary to make them feel the power of 
the Government. 

With much respect, I remain 

Your obedient servant, 

WiNFiELD S. Hancock, 

Major Gen. U. S. A. 

General Hancock was a true soldier and, had lie 
been allowed to finish his campaign in 1867, we would 
have been spared the horrible outrages and atrocities 
perpetrated by these same Indians in 1868. 

BAD OSAGES 

While the wild tribes were operating on the plains, 
a band of ex-rebel Osages was prowling about the 
southern border of the State, stealing horses and other 
stock from the settlers. During the Summer I visited 
the Osage nation with an escort, and calling the chiefs 
together, informed them of what their renegades had 
been doing, and demanded either the thieves or the 
stolen property. The property was promptly returned. 
Sixteen horses were taken back to their owners at one 
time, as I was informed ; and ten at another, as the fol- 
lowing letter shows : 



COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 281 

Fort Scott, Sept. 27, 1867. 
To the Hon. S. J. Crawford, 
Governor of the State of Kansas. 
A number of our citizens request me to return their 
thanks for your efforts in their behalf in procuring ten head 
of horses taken from them by the Osage Indians, as th'ey 
believe that it was entirely through your efforts that they 
recovered their lost property. And one man especially, 
James Connor, a blind man, requests me that I should return 
his thanks for the recovery of his horses for he says his whole 
dependence was upon them. And, believe me, that the 
expressions of gratitude I heard them make will prove sin- 
cere should you ever want any assistance from their hands or 
the hands of their friends. 

The names of James Connor, Mr. Smith, Mr. Gray, and 
Mr. Perkins are mentioned as persons benefited by your 
efforts, and they all join in returning you their thanks. 
Very respectfully yours, 

J. S. Emmert. 



This ended our troubles with the Osages, and there- 
after they were as good as most of the civilized tribes. 

Early in November, 1867, I returned from the Med- 
icine Lodge Council and devoted my time to the affairs 
of State which had necessarily been neglected. 

On the fifteenth of November, the Eigliteenth Kan- 
sas Cavalry was called home and mustered out of serv- 
ice. The Regular troops engaged in the Indian war of 
that summer were ordered into winter quarters at 
Forts Harker and Hayes. 

Later in November I visited and inspected the State 
institutions and public buildings at Topeka, Manhattan, 
Emporia, Osawatomie, Olathe, Wyandotte, Lawrence, 
and Leavenworth. 

Notwithstanding the ravages incident to our Indian 
war and the trials and tribulations of our frontier set- 
tlers, immigration continued to pour into eastern Kan- 
sas, and evidence of prosperity was visible in all 
directions. New fields, new orchards, new houses, new 



282 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

towns, and new faces, were here reflecting the light and 
influence of a progressive civilization. 

THANKSGIVING PEOCLAMATION 

In keeping with the new order of things, and thank- 
ful for even a temporary cessation of hostilities on the 
border, I issued a Proclamation as follows : 

State of Kansas, 
Executive Department, 

God, in his mercy, has preserved our people through 
another year. Though in the infancy of her existence, Kan- 
sas is enabled to rejoice in the fulness of prosperity. 

The year has been one of general healthf ulness ; our 
people have enjoyed the privileges of Free Schools, and 
experienced the ennobling influences of a Free Religion. 

Abundant harvests have rewarded the labors of the 
husbandman, and every department of industry has thrived. 
Our railroad enterprises have been prosecuted with vigor; 
that great national thoroughfare which is destined to con- 
nect us with the mineral States of the Pacific Coast and place 
within our reach the wealth of Asiatic commerce, is now 
far on its way toward the western limit of the State. 

In view of these and manifold other blessings and mer- 
cies, and in accordance with a time-honored custom, I do 
hereby designate 

Thursday, November 28, 1867, 

as a day of thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God. 

Abstaining on that day from all their secular pursuits, I 
do earnestly invite the people of this State to assemble in 
their customary places of public worship, to return thanks to 
our Heavenly Father for the gracious manifestations of His 
favor in the past, and to implore His guidance, protection, 
and blessings of the future. 

Renewing our solemn vows of fidelity to the nation, and 
of devotion to the moral, material, and political welfare of 
the State, let us reverently importune the Father of all good 
for the continuance of His fostering care. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and 



COUNCIL AT MEDICINE LODGE 283 

caused the great seal of the State to be affixed, at Topeka, 
this 4th day of November, 1867. 

By the Governor, S. J. Crawford. 
R. A. Barker, Secretary of State. 

Having complied with this Proclamation and par- 
taken of a bountiful Thanksgiving dinner, where the 
table was laden with Kansas products and surrounded 
by charming Kansas ladies — and men not so charming 
— I set about to prepare for the coming of the new 
year and new Legislature. 



CHAPTER XX 

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1868 

THE new year opened bright and propitious. Peace 
reigned on the borders and throughout the State. 
Work on the several railroads was progressing rapidly. 
On the first of January the Kansas Pacific reached the 
three hundred and thirty-fifth mile-post in Western 
Kansas, and the Leavenworth branch was completed. 
The Central Branch was constructed one hundred miles 
west from Atchison. Work on other roads was also 
fairly under way, and the farmers were ploughing and 
preparing for their spring crops. 

On the fourteenth the new Legislature convened.* 

This Legislature, on assembling, immediately or- 
ganized and appointed a Joint Committee to inform the 
Governor that the House and Senate were in session 
and ready to receive such communications and recom- 
mendations as the Executive Department might have 
to make. 

On the same day, January 14, as required by the 
Constitution, I transmitted my fourth Annual Message 
to the two Houses, and the memorable session of 1868 
began its arduous duties. 

At the beginning of this session the Commission, 
consisting of S. A. Riggs, J. M. Price, and James Mc- 
Cahon, previously appointed to codify the laws of 
Kansas, made its report to the Legislature. This re- 
port, after being carefully considered by the Legisla- 
ture, was adopted substantially as reported by the 

*See Appendix for the names of the members and officer?;. 

284 



LEGISLATURE OF 1868 265 

Commission and became the laws of the State of 
Kansas. 

The work of this Commission, and the wisdom dis- 
played by the Legislature in its approval of the same, 
deserve all the enconiums that have been bestowed 
upon them. The laws brought forth by that Commis- 
sion, and reviewed and adopted by the Legislature, 
were universally approved and commended by the 
courts, lawyers, and people of Kansas at that time. 
That they have stood like a granite wall and resisted 
the assaults of Legislatures, good, bad, and indifferent, 
for thirty-eight years, is clearly shown by the Hon. 
John S. Dawson, our present Attorney General, in an 
address delivered before the Kansas State Historical 
Society, December 4, 1906.* 

That Mr. Dawson is right in what he says of the 
Legislature of 1868 and its imperishable work, no one 
familiar with the facts will for a moment dispute. But 
it should not be forgotten that the Legislature of 1867 
preceded the Legislature of 1868. It was that Legisla- 
ture, working in harmony with the State authorities, 
that originated the idea and enacted the legislation 
leading to the codification of the laws by a commission. 

The Legislature of 1867 was composed of intelli- 
gent, conscientious men, who, generally speaking, were 
devoted to Kansas and its best interests. Two of the 
Senators in that body, Samuel A. Riggs and John M. 
Price, were members of the commission that codified 
the laws. 

The Legislatures of 1865 and 1866 were also com- 
posed of first-class men, but both of these were neces- 
sarily opening the road through a wilderness of 
political rubbish that had been strewn in the pathway of 
the State during the dark days of the war. Neverthe- 
less we waded through and established a solid macad- 

*See Appendix. 



286 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

amized road out on to the broad plain of a glorious 
future. 

The laws of 1868 were only a part of the magnifi- 
cent structure we established for the State. On the 
third of March the Legislature of 1868, having com- 
pleted its work and given the State a code of laws that 
have stood the test for more than a third of a century, 
adjourned sine die. 



CHAPTER XXI 

HOSTILE INDIANS 

EAID ON COUNCIL, GEOVE — MASSACRE IN THE SOLOMON AND 
REPUBLICAN VALLEYS DESPATCH TO PRESIDENT JOHN- 
SON BATTLE OF THE ARICKAREE. 

SOON after the adjournment of the Legislature, the 
hostile Indians who had been furnished with sup- 
plies (including arms and ammunition) by the U. S. 
Indian agents and traders during the previous winter, 
again made their appearance in South-Central Kansas. 

The Kiowas and Comanches and a part of the 
Cheyennes went into camp on Pawnee Creek, in the vi- 
cinity of Fort Larned; and the Arapahoes, Apaches, 
and the remainder of the Cheyennes camped in the vi- 
cinity of Fort Dodge, on the Arkansas River; and all 
proceeded to draw rations from the Government until 
the buffalo came north in herds sufficient to supply 
them with food. 

With the coming of grass in the Spring came the 
buffalo ; whereupon the Indians grew independent and 
restless, and showed signs of hostility. They had re- 
ceived arms and ammunition at the Medicine Lodge 
Council the previous October, when they came there 
fresh from the warpath, and now they demanded more 
guns, pistols, and ammunition. 

General Sheridan, who had been assigned to the 
command of the Department, reached Fort Lamed 
early in March, and thence proceeded to Fort Dodge, 
where he could be in touch with all the Indians in that 
vicinity. The chiefs, head-men, and warriors talked, 
smoked, and powwowed with Sheridan almost every 

287 



288 e::ansas in the sixties 

day for a month. They declared that the Peace Com- 
mission at Medicine Lodge had promised to issue more 
guns, pistols, and ammunition to them at Fort Lamed 
in the Spring, and that they had come up to get them, 
Sheridan, and General Sully, who was there on 
duty, seeing the discontent among the Indians and fear- 
ing an outbreak, were opposed to giving them the arms 
and ammunition they were demanding. The Indians 
and their agents were persistent. One band of Chey- 
ennes made a raid on the Kaws (a civilized tribe near 
Council Grove), as a beginning of hostilities in the 
spring, but it so happened that the Kaws were armed 
and prepared to receive them. 

KAID ON COUNCIL GROVE 

Their agent. Major E. S. Stover (late of the Sec- 
ond Kansas Cavalry), an officer of skill and unflinching 
courage, was there, and lost no time in forming his line 
for action. When Major Stover was told that the 
Cheyennes were coming, he immediately ordered every 
man to the front with his gun, and the squaws and 
papooses into the storehouses near the Agency build- 
ing for protection. 

Near the Agency was a dense forest of timber, 
through which the Cheyennes had to make their way. 
Stover stationed his warriors behind trees at the outer 
edge of the forest and when the Cheyennes advanced 
witihn range, they received a volley that sent a num- 
ber of them to the happy hunting-grounds. The Chey- 
ennes numbered about four hundred warriors, while 
the Kaws had less than two hundred with arms. The 
battle raged in the timber and a part of the time on the 
open field with great fury, from early in the morning 
until late in the afternoon, when the Cheyennes hauled 
off and beat a hasty retreat, robbing the settlers as 
they went. 

When the battle began in the morning. Major 
Stover started a messenger to me at Topeka, sixty 



HOSTILE INDIANS 289 

miles distant, with a note, saying tliat the Kaws had 
been attacked by the Cheyennes, and a battle royal was 
raging; but he would " hold the fort " until I arrived 
with reinforcements. The messenger (Jo Jim) ar- 
rived in Topeka about 7 P. M. and related his blood- 
curdling and hair-raising story. 

The only available troops I had within easy reach, 
were Thaddeus H. Walker, Geo. H. Hoyt, and Colonel 
J. W. Forsyth, of Sheridan's staff. On reading 
Stover's note, I announced to these gentlemen that I 
was going to the front, whereupon they each tendered 
their services and said they would also go. In a few 
minutes we were off to the war behind two dashing 
teams that made the run of sixty miles bj^ the light of 
a full moon, and reached the field just as the sun was 
making its appearance over the eastern hills. 

When we arrived the battle was over and the Chey- 
ennes were under full retreat westward on the old 
Santa Fe trail. After viewing the battlefield and re- 
viewing the victorious Kaws, we were escorted over 
to the beautiful little city of Council Grove by Major 
Stover, where we found the good people slowly recov- 
ering from the excitement of the Cheyenne raid. 

While this band of Cheyennes, under the leadership 
of Tall Bull, was raiding the Kaws and robbing the 
settlers west of Council Grove, another band of the 
same tribe was in the vicinity of Fort Wallace, com- 
mitting depredations along the Kansas Pacific Rail- 
road and stage routes to Denver. 

Meantime the Kiowas, Comanches, Arapahoes, 
and the remaining bands of the Cheyennes were linger- 
ing back at Larned and Dodge, demanding guns, pis- 
tols, and ammunition as a condition precedent to their 
remaining at peace. The only reason they did not go 
out on the war-path when Tall Bull started on his ex- 
pedition against the Kaws, was that they could not go 
until they received arms and ammunition from the 
Government or from their traders. Hence they lin- 



290 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

gered back at Lamed and Dodge and demanded war 
supplies. 

Had it not been for the Council Grove raid, the 
guns, pistols, and fixed ammunition, which had been 
sent to Larned for them, would have been distributed 
in May, as the Indian office at Washington and the 
Agents with the Indians were demanding. That, and 
other outrages, which were being committed daily by 
roving bands, convinced Sheridan and General Sully, 
who were on the ground, that they meant war. And 
yet in the face of what was going on all around them, 
these Generals yielded against their own better judg- 
ment and allowed the guns, pistols, and ammunition 
to be issued to treacherous assassins. 

MASSACEE IN THE SOLOMON AND EEPUBLICAN VALLEYS 

The issue of not only arms and ammunition, but 
food, clothing, and other supplies was made on the 
third of August, 1868. Within three days they broke 
up their camps in the vicinity of Fort Larned, where 
the war supplies were distributed, and started north on 
their work of death, desolation, rapine, and robbery. 
They first struck the Kansas Pacific Eoad and the set- 
tlements along the Smoky Hill and Saline Rivers, and 
after laying them in waste and leaving a trail of blood 
and ruin behind, they appeared in the Solomon and Re- 
publican valleys. 

There their fiendish atrocities were beyond descrip- 
tion. Having been informed of the issuance of supplies 
and munitions of war to the hostile tribes at Lamed, I 
returned from the frontier to Topeka to prepare for 
the worst. Scarcely had I reached home when I re- 
ceived the following despatch: 

Salina, Kansas, August 14, 1868. 
Gov. S. J. Crawford, 

Topeka, Kansas: 
A messenger jnst in from the Solomon Valley reports a 
large number of Indians in Mitchell, Ottawa, and Republic 



HOSTILE INDIANS 291 

counties, murdering indiscriminately. They attacked the 
upper settlements day before yesterday, and swept down the 
valleys for a distance of thirty miles, butchering men, women^ 
and children as they advanced. The main body has gone 
north to the Republican Valley. What few settlers escaped 
in Mitchell County are in a stone corral on Asher Creek. 
Forty persons reported killed. 

R. D. MOBLEY. 

In response to this and other similar despatches, I 
went in person, by special train, to Salina, and there 
hastily organized a volunteer company and moved 
rapidly to the relief of the settlers, but arrived too late 
to save the lives of over forty persons who had been 
killed or wounded and scalped by the Indians. After 
having the wounded provided for and the dead buried, 
I returned to Topeka and sent the following despatch 
to the President : 

DESPATCH TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON 

Topeka, Kansas, August 17, 1868. 
To His Excellency Andrew Johnson, President: 

I have just returned from Northwestern Kansas, the 
scene of a terrible Indian massacre. On the thirteenth and 
fourteenth instant, forty of our citizens were killed and 
wounded by hostile Indians. Men, women and children were 
murdered indiscriminately. Many of them were scalped, and 
their bodies mutilated. Women, after receiving mortal 
wounds, were outraged and otherwise inhumanly treated in 
the presence of their dying husbands and children. Two 
young ladies and two little girls were carried away by the 
red-handed assassins, to suffer a fate worse than death. 
Houses were robbed and burned, and a large quantity of 
stock driven off. The settlements, covering a space sixty 
miles wide, and reaching from the Saline to the Republican, 
were driven in, the country laid in ashes and the soil 
drenched in blood. How long must we submit to such atroci- 
ties? Need we look to the Government for protection, or 
must the people of Kansas protect themselves? If the Gov- 
ernment cannot control these uncivilized barbarians, while 
they are under its fostering care and protection, it certainly 



292 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

can put a stop to the unbearable policy of supplying them 
with arms and ammunition, especially while they are waging 
war notoriously against the frontier settlements, from the 
borders of Texas to the plains of Dakota. The savage devils 
have become intolerable, and must and shall be driven out of 
this State. Gen. Sheridan is doing, and has done, all in his 
power to protect our people, but he is powerless for want of 
troops. If volunteers are needed, I will, if desired, furnish 
the Government all that may be necessary to insure a per- 
manent and lasting peace. 

S. J. Crawford, Governor of Kansas. 

This message was referred to General W. T. Slier- 
man, commanding the Military Division of the Mis- 
souri, who immediately set in motion all his available 
troops and did everything in his power to have the hos- 
tile Indians overtaken and punished ; General Sheridan, 
who had returned to Fort Marker, was also doing what 
he could, but the troops at their command were in- 
adequate for the work before them. 

A wide area of country stretching from the Arkan- 
sas Eiver to the Republican and westward to Colorado 
was swarming with roving bands, here to-day and else- 
where to-morrow, committing murder and other hor- 
rible crimes with perfect impunity. 

After the massacre on the Solomon and Republican 
Rivers, I received despatches from General Sheridan 
as follows : 

Headquarters, Fort Harker, August 21, 1868. 

Gov. Crawford: 

The Indians committing depredations on the Solomon 
and Saline were a party of about two hundred Cheyennes, 
twenty Sioux, and four Arapahoes. Since that time two of 
my scouts have been killed and one wounded, and to-day 
they have attacked the wood parties at Fort Wallace. I will 
at once order the Cheyennes, Arapahoes and Kiowas out of 
your State and into their reservations, and will compel them 
to go by force. We will not cease our efforts until the per- 
petrators of the Solomon massacre are delivered up for pun- 



HOSTILE INDIANS 293 

ishment. It may take until the cold weather to catch them 
but we will not cease till it is accomplished. 

P. H. Sheridan, Major General. 

Headquarters, Fort Harker, August 21, 1868. 
Gov. Crawford: 

In order to rest in confidence and protect the line of set- 
tlements north from this point to the Republican, General 
Sully will erect small block-houses on the Saline and Solomon 
and Republican, and garrison them with a small infantry 
force, and keep a sufficient force of cavalry scouting between 
these different points. 

P. H. Sheridan, 
Major General, U. S. A. 

From the bloody fields of the Solomon and Repub- 
lican, the Indians retreated westward with their 
plunder and captives until they were reinforced by 
other war parties on the Republican, and tributary 
streams north of Fort Wallace. These several bands, 
when united, numbered about one thousand warriors; 
well mounted, armed, and equipped for savage war- 
fare. Simultaneously with these raids in Central and 
Northern Kansas, other tribes were raiding the con- 
struction parties on the Kansas Pacific Railroad and 
the overland routes of travel and transportation in 
Western Kansas. 

BATTLE OF THE ARICKAEEE 

On the tenth of September, Colonel George A. For- 
sj^the, of General Sheridan's staff, with Lieutenant 
Beecher, Dr. Moore, and forty-seven scouts of daunt- 
less courage and unerring aim, left Fort Wallace in 
pursuit of a band of Cheyennes which had been com- 
mitting depredations in that vicinity. The trail led 
north toward the Republican River, and as Forsythe 
advanced, it gradually became more and more distinct, 
showing that the retreating Indians were being rein- 
forced from day to day. 

On the night of September 16 Colonel Forsythe, 



294 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

with his scouts, encamped on Arickaree Creek, near the 
northwest corner of the State of Kansas. He had been 
following the trail for six days; and occasionally a 
solitary Indian had been seen, but there was nothing 
unusual to indicate the immediate presence of the In- 
dians in large numbers. Evidently those he was pur- 
suing had formed a junction with the main force on 
the Republican and were waiting for Forsythe and his 
scouts. 

At the break of day on the morning of September 
17, a small party made a dash through Forsythe 's 
camp and captured some of his horses. A few minutes 
later about eight hundred warriors made their ap- 
pearance, yelling like demons, and opened the fight in 
earnest. Although Forsythe had been on their trail 
for six days and knew they were being reinforced as 
they retreated, he did not know they were so near. 

When attached he moved, under fire, across the 
creek to a small island, with all his men and such of 
his horses as had not already been captured; but he 
left back his pack animals, provisions, and camp equip- 
age, which were soon in the hands of the enemy. The 
island was of sand formation, which enabled the men to 
burrow and to some extent protect themselves. A 
range of low hills, however, enabled the Indians to ap- 
proach within easy range and fire down at Forsythe 's 
men. It was an ordeal that trial men's souls. Fifty 
white men surrounded by eight hundred red devils in 
war-paint and yelling like demons. 

Colonel Forsythe was the first man wounded. When 
hit, he said nothing, but continued to direct the fire of 
his men. Next came two of the veteran scouts; then 
the gallant young Beecher and Dr. Moore were mor- 
tally wounded. Others in their turn, throughout the 
day, took their medicine but no one of the heroic band 
faltered so long as he was able to load and level his 
gun. While Forsythe and his men were suffering and 
slowly melting away, the redskins were being piled up 



HOSTILE INDIANS 295 

on top of each other in their front. Tims the first day 
of the battle wore away with about one-half of For- 
sythe's men either dead or wounded, and all their 
horses the same. 

When the mantle of night was spread over that 
bloody field, the war-whoop died away and everything 
was still, save the groans of the wounded and the howl- 
ing of the wolves. During the night the Indians kept 
a strong guard around the little band of scouts to pre- 
vent them from escaping or sending messengers for 
relief. Nevertheless two of the scouts — Jack Stillwell 
and Pete Trudell — volunteered to take the risk and go 
for relief. It was eighty-five miles by a direct line to 
Fort Wallace, but to avoid Indians the messengers 
would have to travel a much greater distance. 

At twelve o'clock on the night of the seventeenth, 
these two brave boys started on their perilous journey, 
and after many hairbreadth escapes reached the main 
road, fifteen miles west of Wallace, on the twentieth. 
There they met two colored soldiers with a despatch 
for Colonel Carpenter, who was then scouting with a 
detachment of the Tenth Cavalry, some seventy miles 
southwest of the Arickaree battle-ground. Stillwell and 
Trudell informed the messengers to Carpenter of the 
battle and location of Colonel Forsythe, and proceeded 
to Wallace and delivered their despatches to Colonel 
Bankhead, who immediately collected his available 
troops and started for the scene of action. 

Meantime, however, the messengers to Carpenter 
on leaving Stillwell and Trudell in the morning, put 
spurs to their horses and lost no time in reaching Car- 
penter. That gallant officer, on being informed of 
Forsythe 's peril and distress, wheeled about and 
moved rapidly to his relief. On the night of the twen- 
tieth Colonel Forsythe, not having heard from his first 
messengers, started two more of the scouts — Jack 
Donavan and A. J. Pliley — to Fort Wallace. These 
steady, reliable young men started at once ; on the sec- 



296 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ond day out tliey met Colonel Carpenter moving rap- 
idly to the relief of Forsythe. His arrival on the 
bloody ground brought cheers and tears from the liv- 
ing, and prayers for the dead. 

In this battle the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, 
and Comanches, paid dearly for the guns, pistols, and 
ammunition they secured from the Grovernment under 
false pretences at Fort Larned on the third of August. 

While Forsythe, Carpenter, and Bankhead were 
thus operating in Northwestern Kansas, General Sully 
was moving against other bands in Southwestern Kan- 
sas and the Indian Territory, as will be observed from 
the following : 

Fort Hays, Kansas, September 10, 1868. 
Governor Crawford: 

On the 7th instant, General Sully crossed the Arkansas 
with nine companies of cavalry, after the Cheyennes and 
Arapahoes. My object has been to make war on the families 
and stock of these Indians, and to break them up completely 
and effectually. This is the only policy to pursue. I will 
put every available man I have on this duty. To attempt to 
follow the small raiding parties who have committed depre- 
dations at isolated points on the plains would bring no satis- 
factory results. . . . All the stock and families of the Chey- 
ennes and Arapahoes are south of the Arkansas River, and 
General Sully's movement will bring back all the raiding par- 
ties of those bands operating north of the river, for the pro- 
tection of their own families. 

Colonels Forsythe and Bankhead moved this morning 
against Pawnee Killer, and the bands connected with him, 
who are located on the head-waters of the Republican, and 
are operating in Colorado. . . . 

I desire to state to you, that as soon as I can conscien- 
tiously believe that the means at my command are insuffi- 
cient to accomplish the results above stated, I will notify the 
proper military authorities, and yourself, so that there may 
be a good reason for the expense which may occur in calling 
out troops. 

P. H. Sherman, Maj. Gen. U. S. A. 



HOSTILE INDIANS 297 

Followins: this despatch came letters and petitions 
telling of raids all along the border, and begging for 
protection; whereupon I telegraphed Sheridan as 
follows : 

ToPEKA, Kansas, September 11, 1868. 
Gen. p. H. Sheridan, 
Fort Hays : 
"Will you issue to me, for the State, five hundred stand of 
Spencer carbines, with accoutrements and ammunition? If 
80, I will at once organize a battalion of picked men, well 
mounted, to guard the border from the Republican to the 
Arkansas. 

S. J. Crawford, Governor. 

Fort Hays, Septemher 11, 1868. 
Gov. Crawford: 

I will give you the carbines and accoutrements for the 
purpose you indicate. Your proposition will give me seven 
good companies now on duty on the frontier. 

P. H. Sheridan, 
Major General, U. S. A. 

Fort Hays, Kansas, Septemher 13, 1868. 
Gov. Crawford: 

I will let y'iu have five hundred Spencer carbines and 
accoutrements. Am authorized to give you rations for same 
number of men for two months. Should this period be too 
short to accomplish the work, perhaps we can get it 
extended, Wliere will you have the carbines? Send some 
one up on Monday's train to arrange with me the points of 
delivery of the rations. I will require your officers' receipts 
for the carbines. 

P. H. Sheridan, 
Major General, U. S. A. 

On receipt of this despatch I issued a Proclamation 
calling for troops,* in response to wliich five companies 
of State Militia, well mounted, armed, and equipped, 
were speedily organized, and stationed at suitable 

*See Appendix. 



298 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

points to guard the frontier settlements from the Ark- 
ansas River to the Republican.* 

After these troops were placed on duty, no further 
depredations were committed on the border, except 
on one occasion, when a small party slipped through 
the lines and killed four settlers. But while they were 
thus engaged, Captain Potts, with his company of 
State troops, struck them broadside and left but few to 
tell the tale. He pursued the survivors for many miles 
and recaptured all the stolen horses and other property 
they had taken from the settlers. 

While Potts was handling this band without gloves, 
Captain Baker and his company were in hot pursuit of 
a part of the same band in the Saline Valley, who were 
fleeing for their lives. This ended the campaign and 
settled permanently the Indian troubles in that part of 
the State. 

The battalion, having completed its work, was called 
in and mustered out of service. While in the service, 
these companies were ever on the alert and ready for 
action. They were never taken by surprise, and for 
that reason their losses in killed and wounded were 
comparatively light. But they did their work effect- 
ively, and deserve the thanks of the State and the ever- 
lasting gratitude of those whose lives and property 
they protected. 

* See Appendix for roster of Frontier Battalion. 



CHAPTER XXn 

INDIAN LAND FEAUDS 

ATTEMPTED STEAL OF THE OSAGE LANDS LETTER AND ME- 
MORIAL TO U. S. SENATE DEFEAT OF LAND-GRABBERS 

CHEROKEE NEUTRAL LANDS OPPOSED BY STATE OFFI- 
CERS FRAUDULENT SALE OF THE SAC AND FOX LANDS. 

WHILE these bloody scenes of real tragedy were 
being enacted in Central and Western Kansas, a 
play in low comedy was being rehearsed behind the 
screens in Washington, preparatory to a raid on the 
Osage and Cherokee neutral lands in Southern Kansas. 

ATTEMPTED STEAL OF THE OSAGE LANDS 

By treaty of the second of June, 1825, the United 
States ceded and set apart to the Osage tribe of In- 
dians, a reservation embracing eight million acres, ex- 
tending from the Neosho River westward, with the 
width of fifty miles. And by treaty of December 29, 
1835, the United States sold and conveyed to the Cher- 
okee nation a tract of eight hundred thousand acres, 
situated between the Osage lands and the State of Mis- 
souri. These two reservations, about nine million 
acres, fell within the State of Kansas when its bound- 
aries were established. They were of the best quality, 
and the eyes of vultures were upon them. 

By the treaty of September 29, 1865, the Osages 
ceded to the United States a tract, 30 by 50 miles, off 
the east end of their reservation, which was soon there- 
after opened to settlement under the preemption laws 
at one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre. This left 
to the Osages about seven million acres, known as the 
Osage Trust and Diminished Reserve Lands. 

299 



SOO KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

These seven million acres are now included in, and 
constitute the greater part of sixteen counties in South- 
em Kansas, namely : Wilson, Montgomery, Elk, Chau- 
tauqua, Cowley, Butler, Sumner, Sedg-wick, Harper, 
Kingman, Barbour, Pratt, Comanche, Kiowa, Clarke, 
and Ford. This vast body of land was at that time 
worth many millions of dollars. 

The Osages, under the treaty of 1825, had only the 
right of occupancy, or what was known as the common 
Indian title, while the fee or real title was in the United 
States. The purpose of the schemers was first to buy 
the Indian title for a song, and then, by the same care- 
fully worded treaty, trick the Government out of its 
fee-simple title, by having the Senate ratify and con- 
firm the treaty. It was an audacious attempt on the 
part of the Secretary of the Interior and his confed- 
erates to transfer to a railroad company by unheard- 
of methods seven million acres of land for a mere 
bagatelle in comparison to their real value. 

Had these lands been unoccupied public lands of the 
United States, the scheme would have been bad enough, 
but they were more than public lands. By the Act ad- 
mitting Kansas into the Union, every sixteenth and 
every thirty-sixth section, embracing in the aggregate 
three hundred and eighty-eight thousand acres, had 
been granted to the State for school purposes, and 
thousands of settlers were then occupying other tracts 
of the said seven million acres, who were ready to pay 
a dollar and a quarter per acre for the same. But 
this previous grant to the State, and the rights of the 
settlers, were of no consequence in the eyes of the Sec- 
retary of the Interior and the persons for whose benefit 
the lands were to be secured. 

The Commissioners appointed to consummate the 
deal were officials of the Indian Office and subject to 
the orders of the Secretary. The Council was con- 
vened on the Osage Reservation about May 20, 1868. I 
was intending to be present at the Council to look after 



INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 301 

our school land grant and the interests of the settlers, 
but when about ready to start, I was called to the west- 
ern frontier in anticipation of a raid by the Cheyennes. 
Not being able to attend the Osage Council, I sent Pro- 
fessor MacVicar, State Superintendent of Public In- 
struction, with directions to inform the Commission of 
our school land grant, and also to do what he could to 
protect the settlers residing on the Osage Reservation. 

The Professor, on arriving at the Council ground, 
was promptly waved aside, and no attention was paid 
to what he said, nor to the rights of the State and 
settlers. Not being recognized by the Commission, he 
established an observation bureau and took notice. 
He soon grasped the situation to some extent and made 
notes of what occurred from day to day. When the 
so-called treaty was signed, MacVicar stepped into his 
carriage and returned to Topeka, bringing with him 
a letter from Colonel Blair, of which the following is a 
copy : 

Fort Scott, Kan., June 3, 1868. 
Hon. S. J. Crawford, 
Dear Sir: 

You kuow, of course, that the treaty in favor of Sturgis 
with the Osages is completed, although I fought it to the bit- 
ter end ; but you can scarcely conceive the threats and intimi- 
dation that were resorted to in order to accomplish it. Your 
name, as Governor, was freely used by them, they sajnng to 
the Indians that unless they signed, you would turn out the 
Militia, drive them off tlieir Reservation, or kill them, and 
they would never get a cent for their land. They knew I had 
offered $400,000 more than Sturgis, and they wanted to sell 
to our road, as they knew all our men and had confidence in 
them, but the Commissioners would not permit them. 

This treaty is as fatal to Lawrence and Leavenworth as 
to us, if they only knew it. Sturgis is in with Joy, and they 
propose to construct a road from Ottawa to Kansas City, 
cross on the bridge, go up Joy's road to the H. & St. Jo. R. R., 
and thence to Chicago, St, Louis freight branching off from 
Kansas City by the Missouri Pacific. He can then take the 
iron off the Lawrence branch and put it down elsewhere with 



302 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

but little cost, as there are no depots, buildings, or telegraph 
lines to remove. By this means they will get for their 
Ottawa road the Kansas City bonds, the Johnson County 
subscription, and the 125,000 acres of land which belongs to 
our road ; and they can run together till they reach the point 
opposite the Osage lands (for the Galveston road don't go 
within 15 miles of the land just sold to it), and then Joy 
will take the road on south, while Sturgis builds west. They 
then expect to connect with the S. "W. Branch about the lead 
mines, giving an outlet that way to St. Louis, and thus the 
whole R. R. System of the State is utterly destroyed and 
beyond the possibility of change in the future. Our Sedalia 
road will then, of course, go straight south, seeking connec- 
tion with the Southwest Branch; and the whole border tier 
south of Olathe is left on an island, and can never have a 
main road at any time in the future. 

The treaty makes no provision for settlers, schools, or 
half breeds, but leaves them all at the mercy of Sturgis; 
whilst our road offered to provide for all. There is no 
restriction on his purchase. It is a terrible injustice to the 
hardy pioneers and they all feel it. At Humboldt and 
through that region, although on the line of the L. L. & G., 
they are as bitter against the treaty as we are. 

The lands thus treated for comprise nearly 1/5 of the 
whole territory of the State and are the last chance for 
endowing railroads. There are enough for three at least, and 
they should go to our home roads; the largest slice, if any 
difference, to the one that runs their whole length. 

The treaty kills the A., T., & S. F. road as effectually 
as ours. In short, it cheats the Indians and Government, 
robs the pioneers, destroys southern Kansas, and completely 
paralyzes the railroad capabilities of the State. Under these 
circumstances, we feel that we have a right to call on you, as 
the Governor of the State, to protect our interests by the 
exercise of the influence of your high office and secure the 
defeat of the fraudulent treaty, if possible. 

Please write to our Senators and the Senate Committee 
on Indian Affairs, unless your official duties will allow you to 
go to "Washington in person to see to it, which I suggest most 
respectfully, your duty to the State requires, if it be at all 
possible. 

I shall start to-morrow, although I can but ill bear the 



INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 303 

expense, and if you do not come I shall be happy to hear 
from you. 

I shall fight the treaty to the last. 

Very respectfully, Your obdt, servant, 

Chas. W. Blair. 

letteb and memoeial to u. s. senate defeat of land- 
grabbers 

From Professor Mac Vicar and others, I also learned 
of the nefarious methods resorted to by the Commis- 
sion and by the railroad magnates present, in their 
desperation to secure the assent and signatures of the 
Indians to the treaty. It was difficult, at first, to pro- 
cure all the facts and provisions of the treaty, but soon 
I became satisfied that an attempt was being made to 
rob the State of its schools lands, and the settlers of 
their homes; and, so believing, I prepared and for- 
warded to the parties therein mentioned, a letter and 
memorial as follows : 

Executive Office, 
ToPEKA, Kan., June 9, 1868. 
Hon. B. F. Wade, President of the Senate, 
Hon. S. C. Pomeroy, Chairman Senate Committee on 

Public Lands, 
Hon. Geo. W. Julian, Chairman House Committee on 

Public Lands, 
Gentlemen : 

I telegraphed you yesterday in relation to the treaty 
recently concluded with the Osage Indians, and now write 
to furnish you additional facts concerning the same, as well 
as to solicit your influence in opposition to the confirmation 
of the sale of the Cherokee Neutral Lands in Kansas, made 
by the late Secretary of the Interior to Mr. James F. Joy 
and Co. 

These two reservations, you are doubtless aware, com- 
prise nearly nine million acres of land, the greater portion 
of which is as fertile and of as great natural value as any to 
be found in the Mississippi Valley. 

The Cherokee treaty, and the attempted sale of lands 
under its provisions, were infamous enough; but the recent 
treaty with the Osages and the iniquitous manner in which 



304 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

the same was concluded, make the other comparatively 
respectable — as much so, at least, as one fraud can be said 
to become respectable by comparison with a greater. 

There are at present residing upon these lands more than 
10,000 industrious, enterprising people, many of whom 
served in our armies during the late war, and afterwards 
emigrated thither for the sole purpose of securing homes 
for themselves and their families. 

The manner in which this treaty, which completely 
ignores the rights of these people, as well as the substantial 
and permanent interests of the State, was brought about is 
simply disgraceful to all concerned in it; and if sanctioned 
by the Senate, will prove a lasting disgrace to the Govern- 
ment. A price largely in excess of the one accepted was 
offered for the lands, but the offer was peremptorily, if not 
contemptuously, declined. The Indians themselves were 
strongly averse to the treaty, but were finally influenced to 
assent to it by solicitations and threats. I am reliably 
informed that it was represented to them that the Governor 
of the State would, unless they disposed of and removed from 
their lands, attack them with militia, and either kill or drive 
them off. 

Of course, the details of the treaty will not be definitely 
known until after the Senate shall have acted upon it; but 
its principal provisions have been sufficiently ascertained to 
show conclusively that the whole affair was a flagrant out- 
rage, and that the means resorted to by the Commission, and 
by other interested parties, to obtain the assent of the 
Indians, were infamous and disgraceful. 

Referring you to the enclosed memorial of the State 
officers against the ratification of this treaty, and trusting 
that you will use your influence to defeat a scheme which is 
so full of wrong and outrage to this State and to her people, 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
Your obdt. servant, 

Samuel J. Crawford, 

Governor of Kansas. 

Executive Office, 
ToPEKA, Kan., June 9, 1S68. 
To THE Senate of the United States : 

We, the undersigned Executive Officers of the State of 



INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 305 

Kansas, most respectfully memorialize your honorable body 
against the ratification of the treaty recently concluded with 
the Osage Indians, whereby they agree to cede the lands now 
held by them in this State to the Leavenworth, Lawrence, and 
Galveston Railroad Company, on the following grounds, to 
wit: 

First. That the Osages were induced to conclude the 
treaty by threats and false representations, whereby they 
were made to believe that it was the design of the State 
authorities to make war upon them and either kill them or 
drive them from their Reservation. 

Second. That the price agreed to be paid is grossly inad- 
equate to the value of the lands; that a much larger price 
was offered ; that the payments are extended over a long 
series of years ; and that the final consummation of the treaty 
would be a flagrant robbery of the Indians. 

Third. That no provision is made in the treaty for the 
benefit of Schools, or in the interest of the settlers who have 
gone upon the lands and made improvements; but that both 
these interests are remitted to the tender mercies of specula- 
tors and monopolists. 

Fourth. That the lands thus ceded comprise nearly 
one-fifth of the area of the entire State, the whole of which 
will be withheld from settlement and development, except 
upon such terms as the mohopolists may dictate. 

Fifth. That the success of this fraud will tend to retard 
immigration, thus militating against the best interests of this 
State, as well as of the country at large. 

Sixth. That the persons who will derive the chief bene- 
fits of this treaty .are strangers to the State, and in no wise 
identified with its interests. 

Seventh. That they believe the whole system of permit- 
ting or encouraging the Indians to cede to private corpora- 
tions is pernicious; that in extinguishing Indian titles the 
Government should become the purchaser, permitting the 
settlers to procure titles at the minimum rate, withdrawing 
from sale when the aggregate of the purchase money shall 
have been realized, and then allowing the preemption and 
homestead laws to operate as in other cases. 

For these and other reasons which might be enumerated, 
the undersigned respectfully request the Senate to negative 



306 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

the treaty recently concluded with Osages, and which has 
been or will be submitted for their consideration. 

S. J. Crawford, 

Governor. 
R, A. Barker, 

Secretary of State. 
J. R. Swallow, 

Auditor of State. 
M, Anderson, 

State Treasurer. 
George H. Hoyt, 

Attorney General. 
P. Macvicar, 

Superintendent 

Public Instruction. 

In addition to the foregoing I wrote similar letters 
to President Johnson, Senator Henderson of Missouri, 
Senator Ross of Kansas, and Sidney Clarke of the 
House Indian Committee. I also sent the Attorney 
General of the State to Washington to oppose the rat- 
ification of the treaty, which he did with energy and de- 
termination. On the tenth of June I wrote General 
Blair as follows: 

Executive Office, 
Topeka, Kansas, June 10, 1868. 
Gen. C. W. Blair, 

Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Sir: 

Your favor of the 3rd is received. I have written and 
telegraphed Senators Wade, Pomeroy and Ross, and also Mr. 
Julian, Chairman of the Land Committee in the House, 
earnestly soliciting their influence against the ratification of 
the treaty recently concluded with the Osage Indians. 

I trust now with what has been done you will be able to 
defeat the treaty. It is certainly one of the most infamous 
outrages ever before attempted in this country, and if 
endorsed by the Senate, would prove a lasting disgrace to the 
Government. 

The Cherokee Neutral treaties, which virtually robbed 
thousands of settlers of their homes and made them suppli- 



/ INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 307 

cants at the feet of a land monopoly, were bad enough, but 
God knows they will not in any way compare to this Osage 
swindle. No adequate provisions have been made for any 
portion of the settlers, and no provisions whatever made 
for our common schools. These alone should be sufficient to 
down the whole thing. 

Yours truly, 

S. J. Crawford, 

Governor. 

With this information before them George W. 
Julian of Indiana, Chairman of the House Committee 
on Public Lands, and Judge Lawrence of Ohio, opened 
with Gatling guns and riddled the treaty until it be- 
came a stench, and was finally withdrawn from the 
Senate. 

CHEROKEE NEUTRAL LANDS 

Wliile this attempt to rob the Government, the 
State of Kansas, the Osage Indians, and settlers on the 
Osage lands, was being prosecuted with vigor, a sim- 
ilar fraud was being perpetrated by a gang of boodlers, 
on the Cherokee Indians and several thousand bona 
fide settlers on the Cherokee Neutral Lands in South- 
east Kansas. 

As heretofore stated the Cherokee nation, by the 
treaty of December 29, 1835, purchased eight hundred 
thousand acres lying between the said Osage Reserva- 
tion and the State of Missouri. By the treaty of 1866 
the Cherokee nation authorized the United States to 
sell these so-called neutral lands in trust for the Chero- 
kee people. 

Knowing that the Government had a right to sell 
these lands, and naturally assuming that they would be 
sold to actual bona fide settlers at a dollar and a 
quarter per acre — as other public lands were sold — a 
large number of qualified preemptors moved upon said 
lands, selected each one hundred and sixty acres, built 
homes, planted orchards, and began improving their 
farms. 



308 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

A powerful combination of land-grabbers — known 
as tbe American Emigrant Company — with head- 
quarters at Des Moines, Iowa (the home of Jas. Har- 
lan, then Secretary of the Interior), set their active 
brains to work, devising ways and means whereby they 
might purchase these lands (eight hundred thousand 
acres) in a body, at one-tenth of their real value. 

This company, having secured the active support of 
public spirited gentlemen in the two Houses of Con- 
gress, applied to and purchased from the Hon. James 
Harlan, Secretary of the Interior, the entire tract at 
one dollar per acre, to be paid for at the convenience 
of the purchasing company. This was said to be one 
of the last official acts of Secretary Harlan. The pur- 
chase was dated back, to cover accidents and show 
vested rights antedating the rights of the settlers. 

The deal was consummated at the dead hour of 
midnight, without authority of law, and in violation of 
every principle of right, justice, and humanity. But it 
was sanctioned by the coterie of public spirited pa- 
triots in Congress, who usually looked out for the main 
chance. 

Having signed, sealed, and delivered the bill of sale 
for this vast body of land to the American Emigrant 
Company, Secretary Harlan threw open the doors of 
the Interior Department to his successor, the Hon. O. 
H. Browning, who walked in and immediately sent for 
the papers in the matter of the sale of the Cherokee 
Neutral Lands by his predecessor. Browning was a 
lawyer, and it did not take him long to discover that 
in the attempted sale of the neutral lands by Secretary 
Harlan, the law had been violated, and a fraud com- 
mitted. He therefore, as his first official act, declared 
the sale null and void. 

That set the gang, in and out of Congress, howling. 
It was, in their estimation, an overt act of treason, for 
which they were going to have Andy Johnson im- 
peached. This method of getting even, however, was 



INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 309 

not sanctioned by th'e older heads. They thought they 
could find a way out by another road that would an- 
swer the same purpose and save the plunder. The 
Osage swindle — called a treaty — was still hanging 
in the balance and being riddled with hot shot, and it 
would not do, as they put it, " to stir up another hor- 
net's nest." So they began to cast about and rea- 
son among themselves as to the safest method of 
procedure. 

Some wanted to go direct to the President and offer 
him a compaign contribution that would insure his re- 
election. But the '' Old Subsidies," about the Capital, 
said no, that might involve them in a scandal and en- 
danger their own reelection. Others thought it best to 
go to the new Secretary and lay the matter before him 
as simply a grant of lands to aid in the construction of 
railroads that would compensate the settlers for the 
loss of their homes. 

That seemed more feasible, but the question was, 
Who will be the proper person to approach tlie Secre- 
tary! Harlan could not do it, because he had made 
the sale that was set aside, and his pride was mortally 
wounded ; Grinnell could not do it, because he was Pres- 
ident of Harlan's company, and tlie Secretary had re- 
fused to see him; Sturgis could not do it, because he 
was regarded as a straw man ; Pomeroy could not go, 
because he had voted against impeachment, and had 
no influence with Secretary Browning; Sidney Clarke 
could not do it, because he had been on both sides of 
the Osage treaty, and was supporting the Cherokee 
treaty in Washington and opposed to it in Kansas; 
Senator Ross could not go, because he wanted the lands 
sold to actual settlers at $1.25 per acre. 

Therefore, to use a slang phrase, the schemers were 
up against it. But not long did they have to tarry. 
Some one, skilled in the science of official boodleiy, dis- 
covered a way out. James F. Joy, who was said to 
have a finger in the Osage pie and to be a relative of 



310 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Secretary Browning, was thought to be the man of all 
men to manage the Interior Department and bring or- 
der out of chaos. In due time he was hastened to 
the scene of action, and a new deal was speedily 
consummated. 

The Cherokee delegates then in the City of Wash- 
ington — and as corrupt as Satan — were willing to do 
what they could '' for the good of the cause." Sec- 
retary Browning, having revoked and set aside the sale 
of said lands by his predecessor, immediately turned 
around and sold the same lands to James F. Joy on 
terms similar to the Harlan deal. That sale was sat- 
isfactory to all parties interested, except the settlers 
who were being robbed of their homes. But that sale, 
like Harlan's deal with the Emigrant Company, was 
made without authority of law, and could not be- 
come valid and binding without the approval of Con- 
gress. 

The beneficiaries under both deals, having pooled 
their interests and sworn allegiance to each other, pre- 
pared an Act which they called a treaty, ratifying and 
confirming the consolidated fraud. This so-called 
treaty was submitted to the Senate and supported by 
the Kansas delegation in both Houses of Congress. It 
was a cheat and a fraud in every particular, and should 
have been encircled with hell's blackest marks. The 
pretended authority for this gigantic swindle was a 
proviso in Article 17 of the Cherokee treaty of July 19, 
1866, which reads as follows: 

Provided, that nothing in this article shall prevent the 
Secretary of the Interior from selling the whole of said lands 
not occupied by actual settlers at the date of the ratification 
of this treaty, not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres to 
each person entitled to preemption under the preemption 
laws of the United States, in a body, to any responsible party, 
for cash, for a sum not less than one dollar per acre. 

The manifest intent and purpose of this treaty was 
to have the lands sold in tracts of one hundred and 
sixty acres to qualified preemptors for cash. Certainly 



INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 311 

the treaty did not authorize the Secretary of the In- 
terior to sell the land on time payments ; and yet that 
is what Secretary Ilalan attempted to do. Secretary 
Browning, as already shown, being shocked at Har- 
lan's utter disregard of the law, signalized his advent 
into office, by revoking the sale and selling the same 
lands to his friend Joy — provided he could get Con- 
gress to ratify his illegal act. The sale of the same 
tract of land by two Secretaries to two different par- 
ties, without authority, was rather an unusual pro- 
ceeding. The transactions caused a good many old- 
fashioned people and about five thousand settlers on 
the lands to sit up and take notice. Nevertheless the 
stake was too valuable to be lost without an effort. 
Therefore the boodlers, as heretofore shown, pooled 
their issue and appealed to the Senate of the United 
States to help them out. 

That the reader may understand their methods 
from the wording of their appeal — which they called 
a *' Supplemental Treaty " — I copy the marvellous 
document in full, which is reproduced in the Appendix. 

This so-called treaty was manifestly drawn to har- 
monize conflicting interests among the boodlers. It 
ratified and confirmed everything that had been done, 
legal or otherwise, by the two Secretaries and the two 
purchasing parties. According to this treaty, Secre- 
tary Harlan sold these eight hundred thousand acres 
to his Emigrant Company on August 30, 1866, just 
nineteen days after the original Cherokee treaty was 
ratified. 

That sale, if valid or subsequently made valid by 
the Senate, shut out settlers from the day it was made. 
Hence it was important to validate it and authorize the 
Company to assign their contract to James F. Joy, be- 
cause most of the settlers on the land had entered and 
made settlement after August 30, 1866. In all respects 
it was an infamous transaction, which went hand in 
hand with the Osage swindle, that was then pending 
before the Senate. 



312 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

OPPOSED BY STATE OFFICEKS 

The state authorities fought both schemes as best 
they could, but with Pomeroy in the Senate actively 
supporting both treaties, and Sidney Clarke — the 
sole Representative from Kansas — in the House, play- 
ing hide-and-seek, it was difficult to make headway 
against such a powerful combination. In February, 
1868, I wrote the Hon. George W. Julian, Chairman 
of the House Committee on Public Lands as follows : 

Executive Department, 
ToPEKA, Kan., Feb. 20, 1868. 
Hon. Geo. W. Julian, 

Ch. Com. on Public Lands, 

Washington, D. C. 
Sir: 

I enclose herewith a copy of a resolution adopted by the 
Board of Directors of the Kansas and Neosho Valley Rail- 
road Company, relating to the Cherokee neutral lands, to 
which I invite your attention. 

I protest, as the Legislature has protested, against placing 
the bona fide settlers on these lands in the power of the pur- 
chasers, with the right to hnpose upon them a high price for 
the homesteads on which they have settled in good faith. 

Congress should take some steps to protect the settlers, 
either by annulling the contract of sale, or otherwise. They 
have gone upon these lands and made their improvements, in 
the fullest faith that they would be permitted to secure titles 
from the Government at a cost not exceeding a dollar and 
a quarter per acre. 

The number of these settlers is quite large ; they feel 
justly sensitive upon finding themselves apparently in the 
power of speculators; and I feel quite certain that an 
attempt to exact from them the prices named in the resolu- 
tion of the Railroad Company will result in trouble. 

I trust, therefore, that Congress will feel it to be its duty 
to devise and enact some measure of relief for the settlers. 

I also enclose a copy of my late Message and refer par- 
ticularly to that portion which treats of this subject. 
Very respectfully, Your obdt. servant, 
(Signed) S. J. Crawford, Governor. 



INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 313 

I also wrote similar letters to Senators Pomeroy, 
Ross, John B. Henderson, and others. The following 
was my last despatch on the subject. 

Executive Department, 
TOPEKA, Kan., July 25, 1868. 
Hon. E. G. Ross, 
U. S. Senate, 

Washington, D. C. 

If the Cherokee Supplemental Treaty is ratified, it will 
deprive the State of 47,000 acres of school land, and place 
thousands of settlers at the mercy of Joy and his Railroad 
Company, I trust you may be able to defeat it. 

Sam'l J. Crawford. 

Nevertheless, the treaty was ratified; and most of 
the officials who helped to consummate the fraud are 
now dead. 

In the making of these treaties with the Osages and 
Cherokees, the officials of the Indian Office who were 
appointed or detailed for the purpose, should not be 
held responsible for the objectionable provisions. They 
simply carried out their instructions from higher au- 
thority. They were directed to take the treaties, 
which had already been prepared, and have them 
signed by the Indians ; and that was the extent of their 
interest. Secretary Browning and ex-Secretary Har- 
lan were responsible for both treaties ; and the hnoiv- 
ing ones in the Senate, who understood the object and 
purpose of the schemes, were the responsible parties 
in that body. 

Having lost out on this Cherokee treaty, the State 
subsequently applied to Congress, and received au- 
thority to select indemnity lands in lieu of school sec- 
tions, lost by reason of the ratification of the Cherokee 
treaty. The settlers had the privilege of either mov- 
ing off, or paying Joy and his gang a handsome bonus 
for their homes, which they should liave been allowed 
to purchase from the Government at one dollar and 
a quarter per acre. 



314 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Thus ended a dark chapter in the early historj" of 
Kansas. Some of the actors prospered for a time and 
then went down and out in poverty. Others paid a 
more costly penalty; while one of the leading actors 
lost his reason and became an object of pity. The 
mills of the gods grind slow; but they grind — and 
sometimes exceedingly fine. Retribution in those days 
was swift and severe. 

FKAUDULENT SALE OF THE SAC AND FOX LANDS 

Previous to this wholesale raid by Joy and the 
American Emigrant Company on the Osage and Cher- 
okee Neutral Lands, the Secretary of the Interior 
had sold — under sealed bids — of the Sac and Fox In- 
dian lands situated in Osage and Lyon Counties, two 
hundred and sixty-three thousand, three hundred and 
thirty-nine acres, as follows: 

To "Wm. R. McKean, 29,677 acres at 64 cents per acre. 
To Fuller & McDonald, 39,058 acres at 73 cents per acre. 
To Robt. S. Stevens, 51,689 acres at 71 cents per acre. 
To John McManus, 142,915 acres at $1.09 per acre. 

which was an average of ninety-one cents per acre 
while the settlers bid from five to seven dollars per 
acre. \ 

This, however, was a small affair as compared with 
the Osage deal. The settlers' sealed bids in some way 
failed to reach their destination, while the bids of 
" responsible " parties were promptly received. 

The purchasers were liberal, if not generous. The 
settlers, who were able, were permitted to buy the 
lands they occupied at prices ranging from five to 
seven dollars per acre. Some of them by reason of 
short crops could not make the required payment, 
whereupon they were ordered by the Secretary of the 
Interior to vacate and go thence. Some of them had 
exhausted their means, and could not go. Then the 
War Department was asked to drive them off with 



INDIAN LAND FRAUDS 315 

the army. In some countries that would have pro- 
duced bloodshed; but not so here. The settlers were 
law-abiding people, and they had faith that the wrong 
would be righted. 

General Grant complied with the official request of 
the Secretary of the Interior for the removal of tlie 
settlers, by issuing the necessary orders ; but the U. S. 
troops then in Kansas were looking after hostile In- 
dians on the frontier, and not much headway was made 
in dispossessing the settlers. In fact the troops — 
both officers and men — detested that kind of scaven- 
ger work. 

Nevertheless, the parties who had bought these 
lands, and the Secretary of the Interior who had sold 
them from under the settlers at ninety-one cents per 
acre, were clamorous to have the settlers removed or 
compelled to pay an exorbitant price for their home- 
steads. The request was renewed in 1868, when Gen- 
eral Grant again directed General Sheridan to see 
that his orders were executed. On receipt of this order 
General Sheridan informed me that he had directed 
the settlers that they must go at once; whereupon I 
sent the following despatch to General Grant: 

Executive Office, 
ToPEKA, Kan., June 4, 1868. 
Gen. U. S. Grant, 

Washington, D. C. 
I do earnestly request that you suspend the execution of 
your orders to Gen. Sherman of date 1866-67 (directing him 
to inquire into and remove settlers from Indian reservations 
in Kansas) until the facts can be reported by mail. Col. 
M. V. Sheridan is now engaged in this work. He had 
ordered the settlers to leave the Sac and Fox Reservation by 
Saturday next, which if persisted in will inflict great suffer- 
ing upon these poor people, who will he thrown upon the 
prairie without any means upon which to subsist their fam- 
ilies ; and no possible good can result to the Government or 
Indians from the execution of these orders. 

Sam'l J. Crawford, Governor. 



316 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

After this, General Sheridan was recalled, and the 
settlers were allowed more time either to pay for their 
lands or remove elsewhere. Most of them moved away 
and started in life anew. 

The treaty providing for the sale of the Sac and 
Fox lands in Kansas was a transparent fraud, and 
never should have been ratified by the Senate ; and the 
same is true of the treaty with the Ottawa and Kaw 
tribes. The truth is, the Indian policy then and for 
many years thereafter, was all-round bad. It led to 
many Indian wars, massacres, and crimes too hor- 
rible to relate. It led to such treaties as I have men- 
tioned, and to the robbery of both Indians and settlers 
by wholesale. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

FALL AND WINTER CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 

RESIGNATION AS GOVERNOR OFF TO CAMP SUPPLY CUS- 
TER ^S FIGHT WITH BAND OF CHEYENNES CAPTIVES 

SLAIN GENERAL SHERIDAN 's ACCOUNT SURREN- 
DER OF INDIAN CHIEFS COL. MOORE 's REPORT ON THE 

PURSUIT AND RELEASE OF CAPTIVES THE MISTAKEN 

POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 

SCARCELY had the battle over the Osage and Cher- 
okee treaties closed when the hostile Indians re- 
newed their savagery in Western Kansas. They did 
not venture down to the settlements along the border, 
except in their attack on the Kaws at Council Grove 
and in Northwest Kansas, but confined their depreda- 
tions to overland travel and transportation al5ng the 
Kansas Pacific Railroad, Smoky Hill River, and the 
old Santa Fe Trail leading to Colorado and New 
Mexico. 

The Peace Commission had been making strenuous 
efforts to quiet them down and induce them to return 
to their reservations in the Indian Territory, but the 
noble redskins said, '' No." They wanted more scalps, 
horses, mules, and other valuables. Like Logan of old, 
peace troubled their minds, and having been supplied 
with arms, ammunition, provisions, clothing, and war- 
paint, by the Government and the Indian traders, they 
were now ready for the war-path. 

When they appeared in full dress and ready for a 
Fall campaign. General Hazen suddenly discovered 
that they had been trifling with him, and so notified 
General Sheridan, who immediately telegraphed me 
as follows : 

317 



318 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Fort Hays, Kansas, October 8, 1868. 
Gov. Crawford: 

Gen. Hazen has informed me that the friendly overtures 
which were made to the Kiowas and Comanches at Larned, 
on the nineteenth and twentieth of September, 1868, have 
failed to secure peace with them, or removal to their reserva- 
tion ; and I am authorized to muster in one regiment of cav- 
alry from your State for a period of six months. I will 
communicate further with you on the subject on receipt of 
additional instruction from Gen. Sherman. 

P. H. Sheridan, 
Maj. Gen. U. S. A. 

This was exactly what I had been expecting. 
Everybody familiar with the character and habits of 
the wild tribes knew that the young Kiowas and Com- 
anches had been with the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, and 
Apaches on the war-path from the day they drew 
their arms and ammunition from the Government in 
August. 

General Hazen should have known it, but he was a 
good-natured, easy victim for the treacherous Indians. 
They had been loitering around Forts Lamed and 
Dodge all Spring, drawing rations and clothing from 
the Government, and promising to return to their res- 
ervations, if the authorities would give them arms and 
ammunition. Sheridan, at first, would not listen to 
their demands; but finally he yielded when General 
Sully and the Indian Agents vouched for the good 
faith of the Indians. 

As already stated, the guns, pistols, and ammuni- 
tion were issued at Larned on the third of August, and 
within three days the Indians were on the Smoky Hill 
and along the Kansas Pacific Railroad murdering, rob- 
bing, and scalping white people indiscriminately. On 
the fourteenth they attacked the settlements in the 
Saline, Solomon, and Republican Valleys, and left a 
trail of blood and smoking ruins behind them. 

That should have convinced General Hazen that 
they could not be trusted. But it did not. Having 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 319 

waged a horrible war on the settlements and over the 
plains for two months, and having run out of ammuni- 
tion, they returned to Fort Lamed with the scalps of 
their victims dangling from their belts. There they 
made loud professions of friendship, and begged for 
more ammunition with which to kill game for food, 
while en route to their reservations. Again they were 
supplied, and again they were on the war-path. Hence 
General Hazen's despatch to Sheridan. 

This settled the question as to the advisability of a 
Fall and Winter campaign. It was understood by all 
that the hostile Indians would have to be driven to 
their winter haunts in the southwestern part of the 
Indian Territory and punished severely in order to 
subdue and keep them on their reser^^ations. 

General Sherman, therefore, having lost confidence 
in the Peace Commission, and all patience with the In- 
dians, directed General Sheridan to proceed. On re- 
ceipt of authority the General telegraphed me as 
follows : 

Headquarters Department of the Missouri, 

^In the Field, Fort Hays, Oct. 9, 1868. 
His Excellency S. J. Crawford, Governor of Kansas: 

Under directions received through Lieutenant General 
"W. T. Sherman, commanding Military Division of the Mis- 
souri, from the Hon. Secretary of War, I am authorized to 
call on you for one (1) regiment of mounted volunteers, to 
serve for a period of six (6) months, unless sooner dis- 
charged, against hostile Indians on the plains. I therefore 
request that you furnish said regiment as speedily as possible, 
to be rendezvoused and mustered into the service of the 
United States at Topeka, Kansas. 

The regiment to consist of one colonel, one lieutenant- 
colonel, three majors, twelve captains, twelve first-lieutenants, 
twelve second-lieutenants, twelve companies of one hundred 
(100) men each, including the required number of non-com- 
missioned officers specified in the United States Army Regu- 
lations (1863), the pay, allowances, and emoluments of officers 
and men to be the same as that of United States troops. 

The men will be rationed from the time of their arrival 



320 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

at the rendezvous, and will be furnished with arms, equip- 
ments, horses, and clothing from the date of muster into the 
service of the United States. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient 
servant, 

P. H. Sheridan, 
Major General, U. S. A. 

On receipt of this despatcli I immediately issued a 
call for troops.* 

The response to this Proclamation was made with 
alacrity, and a regiment of twelve hundred men speed- 
ily recruited and mustered into the United States serv- 
ice for six months. As every one knew, the campaign 
was to be made in the dead of winter against five war- 
like tribes in remote and almost inaccessible regions. 
Sucli an expedition had time and again been declared 
by officers of the army to be impossible; and yet it 
seemed to be the only way to bring the hostile Indians 
to a sense of their duty. 

In a letter to General Sheridan of date October 15, 
General Sherman said: 

As to extermination, it is for the Indians themselves to 
determine. We don't want to exterminate or even fight them. 
At best it is an inglorious war, not apt to add much to our 
fame or personal comfort ; and for our soldiers, to whom we 
owe our first thoughts, it is all danger and extreme labor, 
without a single compensating advantage. . . As brave 
men, and as the soldiers of a government which has exhausted 
its peace efforts, we, in the performance of a most unpleasent 
duty, accept the war begun by our enemies, and hereby 
resolve to make its end final. If it results in the utter 
annihilation of these Indians, it is but the result of what 
they have been warned again and again, and for which they 
seem fully prepared. I will say nothing and do nothing to 
restrain our troops from doing what they deem proper on the 
spot, and will allow no mere vague general charges of cruelty 
and inhumanity to tie their hands, but will use all the powers 
confided to me to the end that these Indians, the enemies of 

*See Appendix. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 321 

our race and of our civilization, shall not again be able to 
begin and carry on their barbarous warfare on any kind of 
pretext that they may choose to allege. I believe that' this 
winter will afford us the opportunity, and that before the 
snow falls these Indians will seek some sort of peace, to be 
broken next year at their option ; but we will not accept their 
peace, or cease our efforts till all the past acts are both pun- 
ished and avenged. You may now go ahead in your own 
way, and I will back you with ray whole authority, and stand 
between you and any efforts that may be attempted in your 
rear to restrain your purpose or check your troops. 

From this, as will be observed, General Slierman 
agreed to stand between Sheridan and the Interior 
Department — the course of all our Indian troubles. 
Nevertheless, Sheridan, on account of an erroneous 
sentiment in the Eastern States concerning the In- 
dians, was anxious to have the State authorities behind 
him. On that account and for the reason that I knew a 
winter campaign was the only thing that would end the 
Indian war and keep the savages on their reserva- 
tions, I resolved to resign as Governor and to accom- 
pany the expedition. 

Before resigning my office I issued a Thanksgiving 
Proclamation,* November 4, 1868, after which and 
on the same day I was appointed and mustered in as 
Colonel of the new regiment.f 

OFF TO CAMP SUPPLY 

The regiment broke camp at Topeka on the morn- 
ing of November 5, and started for Camp Supply, the 
point designated by General Sheridan as a rendezvous 
for the troops that were to participate in the campaign. 
From Topeka we marched by way of Emporia to the 
Arkansas River, where the city of Wichita now stands 
— a distance of one hundred and fifty miles in seven 
days. 

*See Appendix. 

tSee Appendix for roster of regimental ofl3.cers, the Nineteenth 
Kansas Cavalry. 



322 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

At Wichita — or Camp Beecher, as we called it — 
we expected to find ten days' rations and forage for 
the regiment, which had previously been ordered from 
Fort Riley by General Sheridan ; but on arriving there 
we found that one-half the rations had been consumed 
by U. S. troops, while only a part of the forage had 
reached its destination. 

Then it became a question whether we should pro- 
ceed on a two-hundred-mile march from Wichita to 
Camp Supply through an unknown country, with in- 
experienced guides, or wait and send back to Fort Riley 
for rations and forage. The country through which 
we had to pass was known to contain large herds of 
buffalo and flocks of deer and wild turkey ; and as yet 
no snow had fallen ; so, after considering the question 
in all its bearings, I determined to move on. 

Having loaded our wagons with such supplies as 
had not been consumed by the troops stationed at 
Wichita, I crossed the Arkansas River on the morning 
of November 14 and moved in a southwesterly direc- 
tion toward Camp Supply. As heretofore stated, the 
distance in a direct line was two hundred miles through 
an unknown country, with no road, no bridges over the 
streams, and no guide who knew anything of the form- 
ation of the country. It was a bold dash into the wild- 
erness with a regiment of one thousand officers and 
men, at the approach of winter. 

For the first five days wo marched on an average 
twenty miles per day, and improvised our own cross- 
ings over the rivers and small streams. On the even- 
ing of November 18, after a hard day's march, the 
horses of one battalion stampeded and caused a delay 
of one day. On the morning of the nineteenth we were 
overtaken by a snow storm, which continued without in- 
termission for forty-eight hours, and until the ground 
was covered to a depth of ten inches. The next morn- 
ing we moved as usual and made a good day 's march 
notwithstanding the snow. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 323 

Here, our rations and forage having been ex- 
hausted, it became necessary to resort to strategy. 
Buffalo in large herds were found in abundance, so 
we had no fears of the men suffering for food. But our 
forage was gone, and the privation began to tell on the 
horses and mules. From the day we left Wichita great 
care had been taken to camp early in the afternoon and 
let the animals graze. Now we were in a country where 
timber was more plentiful and grass not so abundant. 

On going into camp every afternoon a heavy detail 
of men would take the horses and mules out and scrap- 
ing the snow away from the grass, let the animals 
graze until dark. Meantime other details would cut 
Cottonwood limbs and other green bushes and place 
them under the pick'et line where the stock would 
browse during the night. Thus we moved along 
through the ever-increasing snow and over the hills 
and hollows until we reached the brakes of the Cimar- 
ron River. 

There I established a camp for the dismounted men 
and disabled horses and mules, and sent Captain Pliley 
forward with his troop to Camp Supply for rations 
and forage. Here the buffalo were still within easy 
reach, and the men had an abundance of meat ; but our 
stock was suffering for lack of forage, and on account 
of the intensely cold nights. 

Leaving Major Jenkins in charge of the camp, with 
three hundred and sixty men and two hundred and 
fifty tired-out horses and mules, I took the remainder 
of the regiment (about six hundred men), pushed on 
to Camp Supply, and arrived there on November 26 — 
just twelve days out from Wichita. 

Meantime Captain Pliley had returned to the camp 
with supplies and forage, and on the twenty-ninth 
Major Jenkins came in with his portion of the com- 
mand — without the loss of a man from the day we 
left Topeka. 

Thus from Wichita to Camp Supply we made the 



324 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

march over all obstacles in twelve days — a distance 
of over two hundred and twenty-five miles actually 
travelled. It was two hundred miles in a direct line; 
but a column winding its way around hills, ravines, and 
bad crossings, necessarily had to deviate from the 
direct route. 

"When we arrived, General Sheridan expressed him- 
self as highly pleased, and seemed to think that under 
all the circumstances we had made a wonderful march. 
He excused himself for sending me guides who knew 
nothing about the country through which we had 
passed ; and if I am not mistaken, he reprimanded the 
captain in command of the U. S. troops at Wichita, for 
consuming the rations and forage which he had sent 
there for my regiment. 

But in writing of this expedition twenty years later, 
in his ^' Memoirs," he goes out of his way to reflect on 
the officers of the regiment and, in doing so. contradicts 
what he said when we arrived at Camp Supply, and 
what he said in his official report. 

On the march from Wichita to Camp Supply, there 
was no road; not even an Indian trail. It was simply 
a southwest course through an uninhabited country 
from one point to another, with only the sun and the 
compass as guides. There was nothing from which to 
get lost. There were no roads nor cross-roads to mis- 
lead us ; and at the time General Sheridan understood 
that fact. 

We made the march in twelve days, and if, as he 
says, we had been subsisting on buffalo meat for '* eight 
or nine days," it simply shows that we marched the 
greater part of the distance without rations or forage. 
The truth is that General Sheridan, knowing nothing 
of the country over which we marched, was laboring 
under a misapprehension of facts. He had been mis- 
informed by his scouts and others, whose reputations 
and wages depended largely on their skill as liars. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 825 

CUSTER ^S FIGHT WITH BAND OF CHEYENNES 

General Sheridan, with General Custer and the 
Seventh Cavalry, reached Camp Supply from Fort 
Hays a week or so before I arrived, and was anxious to 
push forward to where the Indians were supposed to be 
in winter quarters. While waiting for my regiment, 
he sent Custer out with his regiment on a reconnoitring 
expedition ; who, striking an Indian trail, followed it to 
the Washita Valley, where he fought a battle with 
Black Kettle's band of Cheyennes. A number of In- 
dians and Indian ponies were killed, and their camp 
was captured and destroyed. 

In the fight Custer lost two officers — Major Elliott 
and Captain Hamilton — and a number of men. From 
the Washita he returned to Camp Supply, and on the 
seventh of December General Sheridan with both regi- 
ments, the Seventh U. S. Cavalry and the Nineteenth 
Kansas Cavalry, moved forward to the Washita, where 
Custer had fought Black Kettle the week before. Here 
the bodies of Elliott and Hamilton were recovered, and 
the soldiers of the Seventh who had been killed were 
buried. 

CAPTIVES SLAIN 

The bodies were buried, also, of two Kansas cap- 
tives — Mrs. Blinn and her little boy — who had been 
killed by the Indians and left on the field a mile or 
so from where the fight occurred. This unfortunate 
woman and her husband and child were returning 
home from Colorado, when, on the ninth of October 
the train with which they were travelling was attacked 
and captured by the Cheyennes. The men were all 
killed and the poor woman and her child carried into 
captivity. 

While she was a prisoner with the Cheyennes, some 
Mexican traders visited their camp, and at the risk 
of her life she slipped a letter into their hands, which 
reads as follows: 



326 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

November 7, 1868. 

Kind friends, whoever you may be: I thank you for 
your kindness to me and my child. You want me to let you 
know my wishes. If you could only buy us of the Indians 
with ponies or anything, and let me come and stay with you 
until I can get word to my friends, they would pay you, and 
I would work and do all I could for you. If it is not too 
far to their camp, and you are not afraid to come, I pray 
that you will try. They tell me, as near as I can understand, 
they expect traders to come and they will sell us to them. 
Can you find out by this man and let me know if it is white 
men ? If it is Mexicans, I am afraid they would sell us into 
slavery in Mexico. If you can do nothing for me, write to 
W. T. Harrington, Ottawa, Franklin County, Kansas, my 
father; tell him we are with the Cheyennes, and they say 
when the white men make peace we can go home. Tell him 
to write the Governor of Kansas about it, and for them to 
make peace. Send this to him. We were taken on the ninth 
of October, on the Arkansas, below Fort Lyon. I cannot tell 
whether they killed my husband or not. My name is Mrs. 
Clara Blinn. My little boy, Willie Blinn, is two years old. 
Do all you can for me. Write to the peace commissioners to 
make peace this Fall. For our sakes do all you can, and 
God will bless you. If you can, let me hear from you again ; 
let me know what you think about it. Write to my father; 
send him this. Good-bye, 

Mrs. R. F. Blinn. 

I am as well as can be expected, but my baby is very weak. 

As shown by lier letter, the father of this woman 
resided in Franklin County, but I was never able to 
get into communication with him. 

On the day of the fight with Black Kettle, Custer 
held his ground until dark, when, the Indians being 
rapidly reinforced, he retired, leaving his dead on the 
field. A week later when Sheridan was advancing with 
Custer's regiment and the Nineteenth Kansas, the In- 
dians broke camp on the Washita and fled; the Chey- 
ennes retreating southward, and the Kiowas, Coman- 
ches, and Arapahoes going down the Washita Vallej 
toward the Wichita Mountains. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 327 

When this break-up occurred and we were ready to 
start in pursuit, it was not known that the Cheyennes 
had slipped off south with the captive women from 
Kansas, Mrs. Morgan and Miss White. Hence General 
Sherman, on the morning of December 12, broke camp 
and started down the Washita Valley in pursuit of the 
main body of Indians, who left a wide trail behind 
them. 

GEN. SHEEIDAN's ACCOUNT 

The snow was falling in sheets and the weather was 
intensely cold. For a vivid account of this march down 
the Washita to Fort Cobb^ I quote from General Sher- 
idan's report, as follows: 

At an early hour on December 12 the command pulled 
out from its cozy camp and pushed down the valley of the 
Washita, following immediately on the Indian trail which led 
in the direction of Fort Cobb; but before going far it was 
found that the many deep ravines and canons on this trail 
would delay our train very much, so we moved out of the 
valley, and took the level prairie on the divide. Here the 
travelling was good, and a rapid gait was kept up till mid- 
day, when, another storm of sleet and snow coming on, it 
became extremely difficult for the guides to make out the 
proper course ; and, fearing that we might get lost or caught 
on the open plain without food or water — as we had been on 
the Canadian — I turned the command back to the valley, 
resolved to try no more short cuts involving a risk of a dis- 
aster to the expedition. But, to get back was no slight task, 
for a dense fog just now enveloped us, obscuring the land- 
marks. However, we were headed right when the fog set in, 
and we had the good luck to reach the valley before night- 
fall, though there was a great deal of floundering about, and 
also much disputing among the guides as to where the river 
would be found. Fortunately we struck the stream right at 
a large grove of timber, and established ourselves admirably. 
By dark the ground was covered with twelve or fifteen inches 
of fresh snow, and, as usual, the temperature rose very sen- 
sibly while the storm was on, but after nightfall the snow 
ceased and the skies cleared up. Daylight having brought 



328 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

zero weather again, our start on the morning of the thir- 
teenth was painful work, many of the men freezing their 
fingers while handling the horses, equipments, harness, and 
tents. However, we got off in fairly good season, and kept to 
the trail along the Washita, notwithstanding the frequent 
digging and bridging necessary to get the wagons over 
ravines. 

According to this report, as will be observed, the 
floundering was not all done by the Nineteenth Kansas 
Cavalry, while en route to Camp Supply. 

Late in the afternoon of the seventeenth, after a 
continuous forced march of six days, we drove in the 
enemy's rear-guard and would have attacked the main 
force of Indians that day, but for the lateness of the 
hour. That night we camped on the north side of the 
Washita, about two miles from the Indian camp. We 
were then about twenty miles from Fort Cobb, and 
during the night a number of the Indian chiefs ran into 
Fort Cobb, surrendered to General Hazen — repre- 
senting the Interior Department — and were back at 
their camp by the break of day. 

On the morning of the eighteenth Sheridan moved 
in double column with the train between the two regi- 
ments, intending to throw his men forward into line 
and open the fight as soon as he came within striking 
distance. When within a mile of the Indians two of 
Hazen 's scouts — a man by the name of Hart and a 
half-breed Comanche — came out from the Indian 
camp and handed General Sheridan a note from Hazen, 
saying in substance, that the Indians had surrendered 
to him the previous night and that he had promised 
that they should not be attacked by the troops then 
advancing. 

SUEEENDER OF INDIAN CHIEFS 

Sheridan immediately called a halt and while con- 
sulting a few of the officers as to what should be done, 
a number of chiefs rode out in front of their camp and 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 329 

two of them — Satanta, of the Kiowas, and a Com- 
manche chief — started to meet us. When within a 
half-mile they suddenly took fright and, wheeling their 
ponies, started back at full speed. Sheridan not know- 
ing what they meant ordered his scouts to bring them 
in. The scouts, being better mounted than the chiefs, 
soon overtook and brought them back as prisoners. 
Then Sheridan moved his command forward to within 
striking distance, and taking some of the other leading 
chiefs prisoners, ordered the remaining tribes to re- 
port to him at Fort Cobb on a certain day. 

Thus, after an arduous winter campaign, at a 
heavy expense to the Government, and when a perma- 
nent suppression of these hostile tribes was almost 
within our grasp, the Interior Department — the 
source of all the troubles — again stepped in and at- 
tempted to snatch the victor^'', at whatever cost, from 
the War Department. 

But fortunately General Sheridan was there, and 
while he could not violate the agreement just con- 
cluded by General Hazen, he was not going to let 
Hazen baffle him entirely out of the fruits of the ex- 
pedition. He remained at Cobb until all the tribes, 
except the Cheyennes, came in and then he ordered 
them to move south fifty miles to Cache Creek, where 
grazing was better for our horses and the Indian 
ponies. 

On the first of January, 1869, I crossed the Wash- 
ita and moved south with my regiment to where Fort 
Sill now stands. Within a day or so Custer with the 
Seventh Cavalry followed, and soon thereafter the In- 
dians began to make their appearance in that vicinity. 
Sheridan remained at Cobb a few days and then came 
over and established Fort Sill. 

The Indian chiefs, as prisoners, were entrusted to 
my care. While they pretended to be good now and 
for all time to come, they were at all times gnashing 
their teeth and watching for an opportunity to se- 



330 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

cape. Gradually they all came in and made all sorts 
of good promises for the future, except the Cheyennes, 
who were away west of the Wichita Mountains with 
the women they had captured in Kansas. 

Most of the hostile bands, having come in and sur- 
rendered to General Sheridan and sent their requisi- 
tions to General Hazen at Fort Cobb for rations and 
clothing, I could see no reason why I should remain 
longer with the command. The Cheyennes,. as already 
stated, were still out with the captives — one a young 
bride of three weeks when captured, and the other a 
charming young lady of eighteen. 

But it was apparent that the expedition, as such, 
had been brought to a close by the intervention of Gen- 
eral Hazen; and, no arrangement having been made 
for the payment of my regiment when mustered out of 
service, I turned the command over to Lieutenant- 
Colonel Moore, a worthy officer, preeminently quali- 
fied to subdue the Cheyennes and compel the surren- 
der of the captives. 

On the fourteenth day of February, 1869, I re- 
signed ; and on the fifteenth, with a light escort, I left 
Fort Sill for Washington by way of Fort Gibson and 
Topeka. The next morning after my arrival in that 
city, I called on the Secretary of War, and was in- 
formed that Congress had adjourned without making 
an appropriation to pay the regiment. Fortunately, 
however. General Sherman, who had called the regi- 
ment into service, was in the city ; and he and I, after 
much argument and persuasion, finally prevailed on 
the Secretary to order the payment out of his Con- 
tingent Fund. 

COL. MOORE 'S REPOET ON THE PURSUIT AND RELEASE OP 

CAPTIVES 

General Sheridan, having arranged for the expe- 
dition against the Cheyennes, left Fort Sill for Wash- 
ington by way of Camp Supply and Fort Hays. Gen- 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 331 

eral Custer and Colonel Moore were left at Fort Sill 
with their regiments, to proceed against the Chey- 
ennes and bring home the captives. That they accom- 
plished their purpose with skill, courage, and powers 
of endurance, is shown by an able address, delivered 
by Colonel Moore before the Kansas State Historical 
Society, of date January 19, 1897. In this address Col- 
onel Moore says: 

On the second of March, 1869, the Nineteenth Kansas 
and the Seventh Cavalry marched from Fort Sill with inten- 
tion to find Little Kobe's band of Cheyennes. The command 
marched to the west, and on the second day out camped 
at Old Camp Radziminski, a camp where the Second Dra- 
goons, under Colonel van Dorn, wintered, long before the 
war. The course was still west, across the North Fork of Red 
River and across the Salt Fork of Red River, till the com- 
mand reached Gypsum Creek. Here the command was 
divided. Most of the train, and all the footsore and disabled, 
were sent to the north up the North Fork and along the 
State line (of Texas), with orders to procure commissary 
stores and halt on the Washita till joined by the balance of 
the command. 

The Seventh and Nineteenth then pushed on up the Salt 
Fork, and on the sixth of March struck the trail of the 
Indians. It was broad and easy to follow as an ordinary 
country road. The scanty rations were now reduced one- 
half, and the pursuit began in earnest. At the head waters 
of the Salt Fork the trail turned north and skirted along the 
foot of the Llano Estacado. The trail led through a sandy 
mesquite country, entirely without game, although the 
streams coming out of the staked plain furnished abundance 
of water. By the twelfth of March rations were reduced 
again. The mules were now dying very fast, of starvation, as 
they had nothing to live on except the buds and bark of Cot- 
tonwood trees cut down for them to browse on. Every morn- 
ing the mules and horses that were unable to travel were 
killed by cutting their throats and the extra wagons run 
together and set on fire. On the seventeenth the command 
came on to Indian camp-fires with the embers still smoulder- 
ing. The rations were all exhausted on the eighteenth, and 



832 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

the men subsisted, from that on, on mule meat, without bread 
or salt. 

On the afternoon of the twentieth the Nineteenth Kan- 
sas came in sight of a band of ponies off to the west of the 
line of march, which was now in a northeast direction. In a 
few minutes Indians began to cross the line of march in 
front of the command, going with all haste toward the herd. 
The regiment quickened its pace, and I directed the line of 
march to the point from which the Indians were coming. In 
another mile the head of the column came upon a low bluff 
overlooking the bottom of the Sweetwater, and saw a group 
of two hundred and fifty Cheyenne lodges stretching up and 
down the stream and not more than one hundred yards from 
the bluff. The men thought of the long marches, the short 
rations, the cold storms, of Mrs. Blinn and her little boy, of 
the hundred murders in Kansas, and, when the order " Left 
front into line " was given, the rear companies came over 
the ground like athletes. But " there is many a slip 'twixt 
the cup and the lip." Lieutenant Cook, Seventh Cavalry, 
rode up to the commanding officer, and, touching his hat, 
said, " The General sends his compliments, with instructions 
not to fire on the Indians." It was a wet blanket, saturated 
wnth ice-water. In a minute another aide came with orders 
to march the command a little way up stream and down into 
the valley to rest. The order was executed, and the regiment 
formed in column of companies, with orders to rest. The men 
laid down on the ground or sat on the logs, but always with 
their carbines in hand. Custer was close by, sitting in the 
centre of a circle of Indian chiefs holding a powwow. In 
two or three minutes an officer of the Seventh came up, and 
in a low tone asked that a few officers put on their side-arms 
and drop down one at a time to listen to the talk. While 
Custer talked he watched the officers as they gathered around, 
and in a few minutes he got up onto his feet and said, ' * Take 
these Indians prisoners. ' ' There was a short but pretty sharp 
struggle, and a guard with loaded guns formed a line around 
these half-dozen chiefs, and Custer continued the talk. But 
he had pulled out another stop. The tone was different. He 
told them they had two white women of Kansas, and they 
must deliver them up to him. They denied this before, but 
now they admitted it, and said the women were at another 
camp, fifteen miles farther down the creek. He told them to 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 333 

instruct the people to pick up this camp and move down to 
the camp mentioned, and we would come down the next day 
and get the women. 

As soon as the chiefs were taken prisoners, the warriors 
mounted their ponies, and, armed with guns or bows and 
arrows, circled around the bivouac of the troops. They 
looked very brave and warlike. They wore head-dresses of 
eagle feathers, clean buckskin leggings and moccasins, and 
buckskin coats trimmed with ample fringe. Lieutenant John- 
son, commissary of the Nineteenth, watched them awhile, and 
then remarked: " This is the farthest I ever walked to see a 
circus." In a surprisingly short time after Custer gave them 
permission, the whole camp was pulled down, loaded onto 
the ponies, and not an Indian was in sight except the half- 
dozen held by the guards. Another night of stout hearts but 
restless stomachs, and in the morning the command began a 
march of fifteen miles down the Sweetwater to the other 
camp. The trail was broad and fresh for five miles, and then 
it began to thin out and get dimmer and dimmer, until at the 
end of ten miles not a blade of grass was broken. At the 
end of fifteen miles an old camp was reached, but no Indians 
had been there for two months. The regiment bivouacked 
for the night, and General Custer had the head chief taken 
down to the creek, a riata put around his neck and the other 
end thrown over the limb of a tree. A couple of soldiers 
took hold of the other end of the rope, and, by pulling 
gently, lifted him up onto his toes. He was let down, and 
Romeo, the interpreter, explained to him that, when he was 
pulled up clear from the ground and left there, he would be 
hung. 

The grizzly old savage seemed to understand the matter 
fully, and then Custer told him if they did not bring those 
women in by the time the sun got within a hand's breadth 
of the horizon on the next day, he would hang the chiefs on 
those trees. He let the old chief's son go to carry the man- 
date to the tribe. It was a long night, but everybody knew 
the next afternoon would settle the matter in some way. As 
the afternoon drew on, the men climbed the hills around 
camp, watching the horizon ; and about four P. M. a mounted 
Indian came on to a ridge a mile away. He waited a few 
minutes, and then beckoning with his hand to some one be- 
hind him, he came on to the next ridge, and other Indian 



334 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

came on to the ridge he had left. There was another pause ; 
then the two EQOved up and a third came in sight. They 
came up slowly in this way till at last a group of a dozen 
came in sight, and with a glass it could be seen that there 
were two persons on one of the ponies. These were the 
women. The Indians brought them to within about two 
hundred yards of the camp, where they slid off the ponies, 
and Eomeo, the interpreter, who had met the Indians there, 
told the women to come in. They came down the hill cling- 
ing to each other, as though determined not to be separated 
whatever might occur. I met them at the foot of the hill, 
and taking the elder lady by the hand asked if she was Mrs. 
Morgan. She said she was, and introduced the other, Miss 
White. She then asked, " Are we free now? " I told her 
they were, and she asked, ' ' Where is my husband ? " I 
told her he was at Hays and recovering from his wounds. 
Next question : ' ' Where is my brother ? " I told her he was 
in camp, but did not tell her that we had to put him under 
guard to keep him from marring all by shooting the first 
Indian he saw. Miss White asked no questions about her 
people. She knew they were all dead before she was carried 
away. Custer had an *' A " tent, which he brought along 
for headquarters, and this was turned over to the women. 

At the retreat that night, while the women stood in front 
** Home, Sweet Home." The command marched the next 
of their tent to see the guard mounted, the band played 
morning for the rendezvous on the Washita. It was a couple 
of days' march, but when the end came there was coffee, ba- 
con, hard bread, and canned goods. Any one of them was 
a feast for a king. From Washita to Supply, Supply to 
Dodge, Dodge to Hays, where the women were sent home to 
Minneapolis, and the Nineteenth was mustered out of the 
service. The Indian prisoners were sent to Sill, and soon 
after the Cheyennes reported there and went on to their 
reservation. . . . 

The expedition resulted in forcing the Kiowas, Coman- 
ches, Cheyennes, and Arapahoes onto their reservations, and 
since then the frontier settlements of Kansas have been 
practically free from the depredations of Indians. 

The campaign was a most arduous one, prosecuted with- 
out adequate camp equipage, in the midst of winter, and 
much of the time with an exhausted commissariat. The 



CAMPAIGN OF 1868-69 335 

regiments of Kansas have glorified our State on a hundred 
battlefields, but none served her more faithfully or endured 
more in her cause than the Nineteenth Kansas Cavalry. 

The regiment, after securing the captive girls, re- 
turned to Fort Hays, and was paid off and mustered 
out of service on April 18, 1869. 

The captives were sent to their homes on the Solo- 
mon and Republican rivers, and the Indians ever after- 
wards remained on their reservations, and are now 
quiet citizens of the United States. But as tribes they 
died hard. They fought to kill, and people on the 
frontier were often their victims. 

THE mistaken POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT 

Had the Government, at an early date, adopted a 
just and firm Indian policy and adhered to it, the soil 
of every township of land west of the Appalachian 
Range would not have been saturated with human 
blood. But that was not done. The humanitarians, 
who knew nothing about the real character of the wild 
Indians, were going to manage them by moral suasion, 
and with beautiful flowers, as some ladies reclaim mur- 
derers when on trial for their lives. 

That sentiment took the Indian Bureau from the 
War Department, where it belonged, and placed it in 
the Interior Department, where it soon became a play- 
thing for boss politicians and thieving Indian agents. 
Then the War Department was held responsible for 
the conduct of the Indians, while the Interior Depart- 
ment, through its agents, was supplying them with 
munitions of war, and encouraging them in deeds of 
atrocity. 

That was the condition of things in Central and 
Western Kansas from the Spring of 1864 to 1869, when 
the savage barbarians were rounded up on the Wash- 
ita and placed on their reservations. Had this been 
done at the outbreak of hostilities in 1864, the lives 
and property of many of our frontier people would 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

have been saved; but public sentiment in the East was 
against it, and the bloody work was allowed to go on 
until it could no longer be endured. 

Our Indian troubles having thus been brought to a 
close and permanent peace assured, Central and West- 
em Kansas soon became a paradise for the home-seek- 
ers. But few of the well-to-do farmers and others now 
residing in that lovely country, have even a remote idea 
of the trials and tribulations endured by the pioneer 
settlers. Many of them had been soldiers in the Civil 
War, and when they formed in line on the frontier, 
they were there to stay. Such men deserv^e good 
homes. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

REVIEW — PERSONAL 

HAVING served the State and General Govern- 
ment with fidelity and shared to the extent of my 
ability in protecting the lives and property of our citi- 
zens, I returned home at the close of eight years of 
strenuous effort, conscious of having done my duty. 
The record I left to my successors was clean, and our 
proud young State stood out in bold relief among the 
States of the Union, with every sail spread to the 
breeze. 

Not a blot, not a blemish marred the new Dread- 
nought of the West. Not a doubt was entertained con- 
cerning her seaworthiness nor her destination. It 
may be true that her pathway has at times been ob- 
structed with rubbish, which caused a slight deviation 
from her true course, but so far she has been able to 
round such rubbish and push resolutely forward with 
the flag of the Union flying from the topmast. 

That the launching and the piloting of this steel- 
clad structure beyond the breakers, were done amid 
stormy weather, goes without saying. Those who were 
present and all who read, know of the obstacles with 
which Kansas had to contend in early days. Until the 
close of the Civil War ever>" citizen found it necessary" 
to sleep on his arms ; and until the close of the Indian 
wars, the frontier settlers stood in battle array to pro- 
tect their lives and property against well-equipped 
barbarians, who were under the protecting care of of- 
ficials who should have been sent to the Dry Tortugas. 

My predecessors. Governors Robinson and Carney, 
were kept busy trying to protect the south and east 

337 



338 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

borders of Kansas against the thieves, robbers, and 
murderers, who prowled among the woods and hills of 
Western Missouri during the Civil War, and hence 
they had little time to devote to the general interests 
of the State. In fact, the young men of the State were 
mostly in the army, and there was not much that could 
be done by the Legislature and the State officers while 
the War was raging. 

My first year as Governor was mostly devoted to 
the reorganization of Kansas regiments in the field, 
the protection of the border, and the mustering out of 
troops whose terms of service had expired. But when 
the War of the Eebellion ceased in the Spring of 1865, 
I set about to lay the foundation for our State Gov- 
ernment and State institutions. 

As yet, nothing had been done, except by the Leg- 
islature, in locating some of the important State in- 
stitutions. The credit of the State was at a low ebb, 
and the taxable property at that time was such as to 
require the State to make haste slowly. But we 
started in and plodded along as best we could; and 
when I left the office, the east wing of the Capitol was 
completed, and all our important State institutions 
were in successful operation. 

A heavy immigration was pouring into the State; 
new homes and new fields were springing up on every 
hand; vast herds of domestic animals roamed the 
prairies; railroads and telegraph lines were pushing 
their way westward ; and the wheels of industry were 
moving with a steadiness of purpose that encouraged 
everj^body to be up and doing. 

But from what I have said it must not be assumed 
that the State authorities, in putting the State Gov- 
ernment in operation, had smooth sailing at all times. 
Often we were sharply criticised, and sometimes our 
pathway would be deliberately obstructed by design- 
ing persons for selfish purposes. The men who were 
plotting to absorb the lands in Indian reservations, 



REVIEW — PERSON All 339 

and companies that were scheming to have the State 
endorse their bonds in violation of our Constitution, 
sometimes controlled newspapers, and they would often 
level their batteries at those who stood in their way. 

For a while one of the leading dailies of the State 
was under the control of these land-grabbers and 
bridge-builders. They employed as the editor of their 
paper one of the most brilliant writers in the West. 
In due time he was instructed to open fire on me, and 
if possible prevent my renomination as the Republi- 
can candidate for Governor. 

For several months, while my time was almost en- 
tirely consumed on the western frontier in helping to 
protect the settlers and overland trains and travel, 
this paper kept up an incessant fire. I paid no atten- 
tion to it, but remained at my post of duty. When the 
Convention assembled in the Fall I was unanimously 
renominated, and subsequently elected for a second 
term by an overwhelming majority. 

That had a sort of soothing effect on the policy of 
the paper, and thenceforward the editor was true to 
himself. Years afterwards, when old scores had been 
settled and forgotten, this same editor, who in other 
days had been instructed to write and publish things 
that he did not personally endorse, made the aynende 
honorable in a communication published in The Kmi- 
sas City Times, which in part reads as follows: 

In January, 1865, Samuel J. Crawford, the third Gov- 
ernor of Kansas, was inaugurated. The rainbow of peace 
was just forming across the perturbed and storm-swept 
heavens as the fighting Governor of young, heroic, * bleeding 
Kansas ' assumed executive authority. ... To Kansas 
more than any other Northern State peace was desirable. 
Her eleven years' history had been years of contention, of 
blood, of tumult, and ceaseless warring and strife. The 
people, wearied of dissension, desired an era of peace and 
prosperity. Nothing had been done to develop the State. 
Virgin prairies lay untilled and untouched, and the rich 
and alluvial soil was unvexed with the tickling hoe, and un- 



340 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

burdened with the wealth that honest husbandry brings. 
The golden harvest was only a promise of the future. There 
was propriety in allowing the soldier to lead in the new era 
of industrial development, where 

" Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." 

Governor Crawford set himself right about adapting 
the State to the changed order of things. He saw at once 
that the bugle blast was no more to be heard echoing along 
our valleys; that the music of harvest machinery must taKe 
the place of the call to arms; that in place of the steady 
tramp of the soldiery would come the immigrant's covered 
wagon and the moving car. No railroads had yet been built, 
but the energy of the people that could raise and equip such 
troops and in such countless multitudes north and south 
would soon call into being the multiplied riches of the New 
West. The railroads, manufacturing enterprises, the build- 
ing of schools and colleges and public institutions could find 
no more intelligent and practical mind than that of Governor 
Crawford to aid in the great work of stimulating the ma- 
terial and educational growth of the State. His administra- 
tion must have been fortunate and successful, for he was the 
first Governor to be reelected, and no four years in the history 
of the State have been quite so prosperous in great business 
enterprises, in railway construction, in the opening of farms, 
the building of towns, the establishment of State institu- 
tions, and the construction of public buildings. And yet 
the State was not in a condition of profound peace during 
this period of prosperitj^ The scalping knife of the In- 
dian got in its fine artistic and tonsorial work on the west- 
ern borders. The frontier settlements were constantly har- 
assed by the plains Indians, and the unprotected border 
required the services in person of so high a military officer 
as Major General Hancock. The atrocities committed by the 
Indians upon Kansas settlers scarcely find a parallel in the 
history of the country. The appeals of the plainsmen were 
poured into ears not deaf, and found a lodgment in a heart 
not unsympathetic, but brave as that of Richard Coeur de 
Lion. 

Governor Crawford resigned his Governorship and again 
took the saddle, placing himself at the head of that gallant 
and splendidly equipped regiment, the Nineteenth Cavalry. 



REVIEW — PERSONAL 841 

Colonel Crawford led the expedition against the Indians 
in the Fall of 1868, and drove the combined forces of Chey- 
ennes, Comanches, Kiowas, and Arapahoes through the west- 
ern portion of the Indian Territory, over four hundred miles 
down into Northwestern Texas. It took all Fall and the entire 
Winter to accomplish the objects of the campaign; but so 
thoroughly was the job done that the Indians were glad to 
surrender all prisoners in their hands, and enter into treaties 
to forever maintain peace with the whites. Since then the 
western settlements have not been harmed by these maraud- 
ers and freebooters of the plains. The joy of the prisoners 
in being released and restored once more to their friends 
can only be imagined. The fruits of the great expedition 
were imperishable. 

This communication shows the manly spirit that 
actuated the early settlers of Kansas. In the heat of 
political passion, and sometimes for selfish purposes, 
one would do or say, of others, things that would not 
bear the light of truth ; but generally such persons had 
the manly courage to make amends. Especially was 
this true of the newspapers whose editors did their 
full share in helping to mould and shape the character 
of our progressive young State. 

Generally speaking, I had the undivided support 
of the press of Kansas, which enabled me to open a 
road through the wilderness and place the State on a 
solid basis. With Rebels, guerillas, and savage bar- 
barians on three sides, and an empty treasury at the 
capital, I took the oath of office, and soon learned that 
facing an enemy on the field of battle, in comparison 
to what then confronted me, was mere child's play. 

Nevertheless, I was there face to face with condi- 
tions which had to be met, and I met them. How well, 
the record will show. It was a trying ordeal, but I 
mastered the situation ; and in all I did, I trust the end 
justified the means. That I made mistakes goes with- 
out saying. He who makes no mistakes seldom reaches 
his objective point in life. 



PART THIRD 



PART THIRD 



CHAPTER XXV 

PEACE AND POLITICS 

TRIUMPH OF BOODLERS IN ELECTING U. S. SENATOR DE- 
FEAT OF POMEROY AND ELECTION OF SENATOR IN- 
GALLS. 

THE wild tribes having been driven from the State, 
and permanent peace established, I sheathed my 
sword and returned to the peaceful pursuits of life. 
Our proud young Commonwealth was then under full 
sail, four-square to the wind, with my successor, a 
man of sterling worth, at the wheel. In the Fall of 
1869, I removed to the flourishing little city of Em- 
poria and engaged in the real-estate business, which 
afforded the outdoor exercise essential to my health 
at that time. 

When I laid aside the cares and responsibilities of 
official life, under which I had been laboring for eight 
years, and freed myself from the turmoil and strife in- 
cident to such life, I did so with the settled purpose 
of having nothing more to do with politics or war. 
But my friends in different parts of the State decided 
otherwise and, before I was aware of the fact, had my 
name at the head of a number of newspapers as a can- 
didate for the U. S. Senate. 

The term of service of the Hon. E. G. Ross would 
expire on the fourth of March, 1871, and they desired 
to elect me in his stead. At the Fall convention pre- 

345 



846 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

ceding the Senatorial election, many of the candidates 
nominated were instructed to vote for me, and many 
others voluntarily pledged themselves to do so. Under 
these circumstances I did not feel at liberty to nega- 
tive their efforts. 

When the Legislature assembled at Topeka in Jan- 
uary, 1871, I was there, and a majority of the mem- 
bers, the first week of the session, gave me assurance 
of their support. My friends organized the House by 
electing the Hon. B. F. Simpson of Miami, as Speaker, 
and they were also in the majority in the Senate when 
the Legislature convened. But unfortunately — by 
reason of a law of Congress, which, whether so in- 
tended or not, gave boodlers time to get in their work 
— the two Houses could not vote for a Senator until 
the second Tuesday after they convened. 

TEIUMPH OF BOODLERS IN ELECTING U. S. SENATOR 

At the end of the first week of the session of 1871, 
the boodlers made their appearance in Topeka with a 
candidate who was said to have plenty of money, and 
the nefarious work of bribing the members began. 
Day by day, and at night as well, members who had 
been instructed and elected to support other men for 
the Senate were rounded up, purchased and branded, 
until a majority was secured who were willing to be- 
tray their constituents and go for all time with the 
double crime of perjury and bribery stamped on their 
character. 

They elected their man, who in due time appeared 
in the Senate at "Washington, and subsequently re- 
signed to avoid being expelled by that honorable body. 
The honorable gentlemen who sold their votes, be- 
trayed their constituents, and committed perjury, 
served out their terms in the Legislature, and then 
hied themselves away to their homes to be again 
branded as political lepers. 

This was the first Senatorial election in Kansas 



PEACE AND POLITICS 347 

where money was openly and notoriously used in the 
bribing of members, and that it was so used, the Re- 
port of U. S. Senator 0. P. Morton, Chairman of the 
Senate Committee on Elections, as made to that hon- 
orable body, gives ample proof. 

But it should not be assumed that the Legislature 
of 1871, or even a majority of that body, was corrupt. 
Some of the members who supported the briber, no 
doubt, were influenced by local considerations; while 
the members who did not vote for him were men true 
to the State and true to their constituents. To those 
members who repelled the overtures of the political 
pirates, the State owes a debt of everlasting gratitude. 
They stood like heroes and fought against the traitors 
that were tarnishing the fair name of the State. 

To say that the conduct of the majority of that 
Legislature in electing a briber to the United States 
Senate was treason to the State, would be stating the 
case mildly. It was treason and a cowardly attempt 
to assassinate the State Government at the same time. 
Far better would it have been had they plunged the 
dagger into the heart of the Governor and all the State 
officers. Their removal would not have affected the 
stability of the State Government, because they could 
have been replaced ; but the bribery of the law-makers 
strikes directly at the foundation of free government. 

DEFEAT OF POMEROY AND ELECTION OF SENATOR INGAIJL.S 

The example set by that Legislature did more to 
corrupt the politics of Kansas and demoralize future 
Legislatures than all things else combined. It paved 
the way for the Legislature of 1873 to venture on a 
similar expedition. A United States Senator was to 
be elected, and one of the candidates — in his zeal to 
secure the coveted prize — resorted to dark ways and 
vain tricks, the same as had been done by the success- 
ful aspirant before the Legislature of 1871. 

The difference between these two would-be states- 



348 KANSAS in' THE SIXTIES 

men and their methods, was slight ; but still there was 
a difference. The one regarded the members of the 
Legislature as so many cattle to be purchased in the 
open market, branded and yoked up for his personal 
use, as had been his custom when freighting across the 
plains ; while the other looked upon them as so many 
sheep in the shambles, from which he could make his 
choice, pay his money, and go on his way rejoicing. 

But in this he was woefully mistaken. He bought 
just one member too many — a State Senator who was 
seeking proof of the charges afloat in Topeka to the 
effect that Senator Pomeroy was bribing the members. 
That Senator (A. M. York) visited him at his hotel 
at the dead hour of midnight and received an offer of 
seven thousand dollars in money for his vote and sup- 
port. This Senator York accepted, and the following 
day when the two Houses were assembled in joint 
session to elect a U. S. Senator, Mr. York arose in his 
place and exhibiting the money he had received, made 
a full statement of how and from whom it was 
obtained. 

The members who were in readiness to vote for 
Mr. Pomeroy, were suddenly plunged into a gulf of 
dark despair. Some of them were pale as ghosts with 
great drops of sweat standing out on their faces, which 
showed guilt of the deepest dye. For a while they 
were dumbfounded and, no doubt, could see them- 
selves looking through the bars; but gradually the 
boodlers recovered, and most of them were able to 
articulate when their names were called. 

On the other hand the members who were opposed 
to the man who was trying to debauch the Legislature 
and secure his election to the U. S. Senate by bribery, 
were elated and hopeful for the future. Without ad- 
journing, they immediately counselled among them- 
selves and submitted the name of Mr. Ingalls, a bril- 
liant young lawyer of Atchison, to the joint session, as 
a man worthy and well qualified to represent the State 



PEACE AND POLITICS 349 

in the U. S. Senate. '' Vote, vote, vote," was heard 
on all sides, and soon the voting began. 

Mr. Pomeroy, whose supporters were in the ma- 
jority when the two Houses met in joint session that 
day, received just one vote; while Mr. Ingalls, who 
had not previously been a candidate, received all the 
other votes — except a few scattering Democratic 
votes — and was elected. This was a black eye for the 
boodlers; but gradually they began to show signs of 
life. Occasionally they have gotten in their nefarious 
work, which, generally speaking, has resulted in their 
own injury. 



CHAPTER XXVI 

PERILS OF THE TARIFF POLICY 

AFTER the Civil War many of the Union soldiers 
and others came West to grow up with the coun- 
try. Kansas, having free homes to offer, received per- 
haps her full share of such immigrants. They pushed 
westward to the frontier, and rapidly the vast prairies 
were converted into beautiful farms interspersed with 
flourishing towns and cities. The railroads kept pace 
with the settlements, and sometimes went in advance. 
In fact, all the industries pertaining to a newly settled 
country were thriving, and the people were happy and 
prosperous. 

On the morning of September 23, 1873, the wires 
flashed the report that the banks of New York were 
closing in a panic which would spread over the coun- 
try. Soon the report was confirmed, and the panic was 
on. It was the first since the War and the people gen- 
erally were unprepared for it. 

I was one of the early victims. Everything I had 
accumulated was swept away as if by a cyclone, and 
the same was true of others no better prepared for a 
panic than myself. We all faced the storm as best we 
could, selling property at less than half its value and 
paying our debts as far as the money would go. 

I even sold my home, which was exempt under the 
law, and distributed the money pro rata among my 
creditors, still leaving an unpaid balance of several 
thousand dollars, all of which, principal and interest, 
I subsequently paid dollar for dollar. 

It was an ordeal through which a sensitive person 

350 



TABIFF POLICY 351 

can pass only once in a lifetime. In fact many who 
were hard hit by the panic of 1873 did not get through. 
Some died, and others became insane. 

This panic followed swiftly on the heels of an Act 
of Congress which prohibited the free coinage of sil- 
ver, and reduced the value of the silver dollar to fifty 
cents. At that time the Western States and Terri- 
tories produced over one-half of the silver of the 
world, and the Act of Congress was a terrific blow to 
the silver producers. It reduced the silver to a com- 
modity; and that, with a carefully worded tariff, en- 
abled the grafters, trusts, and combines to get in their 
work and lay the foundation for a complete monopoly 
of the leading industries of the country. The policy 
that produced that panic was the beginning of the end. 

The demonetization of silver, however, — which, for 
the time being, fell with crushing weight on the silver- 
producing States, and disturbed business arrange- 
ments in other parts of the country — was but a drop 
in the ocean as compared with what followed. The 
Government then had but recently emerged from a gi- 
gantic war, which rendered a high tariff (for revenue) 
essential ; but that war tariff, high as it had been, was 
being gradually reduced, and at the same time the pub- 
lic debt was also being paid off. 

But the grafters, money-changers, and gold-gam- 
blers decided upon a change ; a new order of things ; a 
get-rich-quick policy, wliich will lead God knows where. 
The old policy of a tariff for revenue, with incidental 
protection, was speedily thrown to the winds and a 
high protective tariff substituted. 

The arguments offered in support of this radical 
change were: 

First: To protect and build up home industries, 
scattered broadcast among the people, where they were 
most needed. 

Second: To shut out foreign competition and fur- 
nish a home market for American products. 



352 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Third: To make the United States a world power, 
sailing over the seas with chips on both shoulders. 

How well the tariff has done its work, the smoke- 
less chimneys of small factories all over the country 
attest. The fabulous prices paid by the farmers for 
farm implements, wire, lumber, and other tariff-pro- 
tected articles bear witness to the fallacy of a high 
protective tariff. The tariff -protected infant industry 
of Pennsylvania, commonly called the Steel Trust, 
which has absorbed or crushed rival plants and holds 
a monopoly on the iron and steel required by the rail- 
roads and by the Government in the building of battle- 
ships, ought to be sufficient to satisfy any intelligent 
man as to the injustice of a prohibitive tariff. 

Every dollar of money acquired by the Govern- 
ment, through the medium of a tariff, comes out of the 
pockets of the American people. The importer simply 
adds the duty to the thing imported and the consumer 
pays it. In other words, it is an indirect tax of at least 
five hundred million dollars annually, more than is 
necessary and more than the American people are able 
to pay. It is an imposition that should not be possible 
under a republican form of government. And if it is 
not speedily corrected by Congress, the American vot- 
ers will probably correct Congress. 

Most of our tariff laws enacted since 1873 have 
been in all respects bad; but the last, known as the 
** Aldrich Bill," should have been entitled a Bill to 
confiscate the property of the many for the benefit of 
the few. 



CHAPTER XXVII 

STATE CLAIMS AND BAILROAD GRANTS — APPOINTED STATE 
AGENT AT WASHINGTON 

AFTER the panic of 1873, business gradually ad- 
justed itself to changed conditions, leaving the 
trail strewn with wreckage that took years to remove. 
But all who had not been permanently disabled, buckled 
on their armor and renewed the battle. 

The bottom having dropped out of the work in 
which I was engaged, I removed to Topeka in 1875 
and soon thereafter was employed by Governor Os- 
bom to prosecute certain claims of the State against 
the United States for money due the State on account 
of military expenditures ; money due on account of the 
sale of public lands within the State ; and also a claim 
for indemnity school lands granted by Congress, but 
withheld by the Interior Department under a misinter- 
pretation of the law. 

To these matters I applied myself diligently and 
finally obtained a favorable decision in each case. The 
military claims were adjusted by a board of army offi- 
cers detailed for the purpose by the Secretary of War. 
The claim of the State for five per cent of the sale of 
public lands and the claim for indemnity school lands, 
were adjusted in the Interior and Treasury depart- 
ments, under an opinion from the Department of Jus- 
tice, defining the meaning, intent, and purpose of the 
laws under which the State was acting. 

As a result of this work I recovered for the State, 
school lands and moneys as follows : 

353 



354 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

School lands secured 276,376 Acres 

Five-per-cent fund secured .... $405,906.00 

Military fund secured 369,338.00 

Direct Tax fund secured 71,743.00 



Total moneys received .... $841,587.00 

APPOINTED STATE AGENT AT WASHINGTON 

In addition to this work I was authorized by an act 
of the State Legislature, approved March 6, 1883, to 
secure an adjustment of railroad land grants within 
the State as follows : 

That the Hon. S. J. Crawford, State Agent, be and is 
hereby authorized and empowered to represent the State of 
Kansas before the Executive Departments of the Government 
at Washington, and before such committees of Congress 
as may be necessary in all matters pertaining to grants of 
land made by Congress to and in the construction of rail- 
roads within the State of Kansas. And that in the execu- 
tion of his authority under this act he shall investigate and 
ascertain the amount of land granted by Congress for the 
benefit of railroads in Kansas, and the amount to which each 
of said railroad companies was or is entitled as indemnity. 
Also the amount withdrawn, transferred, or set apart for such 
purposes, and whether in the adjudication of such grants 
the just rights of the State or of citizens thereof have been 
impaired. The said agent is hereby authorized to adopt such 
measures and take such action in the premises, either by 
petition, application, motion, or otherwise, as may be neces- 
sary, to the end that the interests of the State and of citizens 
thereof may be secured and protected. 

In pursuance of this authority and in obedience to 
its requirements, I proceeded at once to reconnoitre 
the situation and ascertain the position and strength 
of the opposing forces. 

Fortunately, I found at the head of the Interior 
Department an honest man, the Hon. Henry M. Teller, 
to whom I presented an outline of the matters en- 
trusted to my care by the State. After securing such 



STATE AGENT AT WASHINGTON 355 

data as were of record only in that Department, I pre- 
pared and submitted to the Honorable Secretary briefs 
and argmnents covering all important questions relat- 
ing to railroad land-grants in Kansas, and their ad- 
justment by the Department of the Interior. 

In 1862, Congress made a grant of the odd-num- 
bered sections of public land within twenty miles of 
the line of a road (the Union Pacific and its branches) 
to be constructed from the Missouri River westward 
over the mountains to the Pacific Ocean. That grant, 
with other franchises, was exceedingly liberal, but it 
opened a trunk line for travel and transportation 
across the continent, and proved to be of incalculable 
benefit to the Government and the Western States and 
Territories. 

In 1863, grants of land were made to the State of 
Kansas, of ten sections (odd-numbered) per mile on 
each side of certain roads to be constructed within the 
State. These grants were also reasonable and of great 
value to the State and country. Had Congress ad- 
hered to this policy, which insured the building of the 
roads and at the same time enhanced the value of the 
even-numbered sections with in the limits of the 
grants, all concerned would have been benefited. 

But Congress was not satisfied to let well-enough 
alone. Its previous grants in disposing of a part of 
the public lands for the public good, had proved so sat- 
isfactory and bfeneficial to the country that it resolved 
to go into the land-granting business on a large scale. 

In 1866, presuming upon the generosity of the peo- 
ple, Congress made three grants : one to the Southern 
Pacific road from El Paso to California ; one to the At- 
lantic and Pacific through New Mexico and Arizona; 
and one to the Northern Pacific. These grants em- 
braced all the odd-numbered sections of public lands 
within forty miles on each side of the roads respec- 
tively. These grants were equivalent to a solid belt of 
land 120 miles wide and about 1500 miles long. Need 



356 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

anybody wonder how it was possible for the presidents 
of two of these roads to leave, each at his death, an es- 
tate valued at seventy million dollars? 

Had these grants been reduced one-half, the roads 
would have been built, as were the Union Pacific and 
its branches. But these are matters that belong to the 
past ; and perhaps it is best to " let the dead Past bury 
its dead/' 

The grants of land to the State for the benefit of 
Kansas roads were moderate, and the lands granted 
were earned by the beneficiary companies. But some 
of the companies were not satisfied with the lands 
granted, and to which they were lawfully entitled. Two 
of the companies (the Kansas Pacific and the Mis- 
souri, Kansas, and Texas) set up claims to lands occu- 
pied by bona fide settlers when their grants were made 
by Congress, and for some unknown reason the Gen- 
eral Land Office was ruling and deciding against the 
settlers. 

The grant for the benefit of the Atchison, Topeka 
and Santa Fe road was of every odd-numbered section 
of land within ten miles of the line, from Atchison to 
the west line of the State, and where any of such sec- 
tions or parts thereof had been sold or otherwise dis- 
posed of, then, in lieu of the lands so sold or disposed 
of, the company was authorized to select other lands 
within an additional or second ten-mile limit. 

From Atchison along the line of the road to Flor- 
ence, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles, most 
of the lands within the limits of the grant had been 
sold to settlers or were occupied by Indians. So it be- 
came necessary for the company to select indemnity 
lands. From Florence to the west line of the State, a 
distance of about two hundred and sixty miles, the 
lands within the grant were, generally speaking, un- 
occupied and the grant to that extent was satisfied; 
but for the lands lost to the grant, east of Florence, 
lieu lands were selected in the second ten-mile limit 
west from that point. 



STATE AGENT AT WASHINGTON 357 

The State and people of Kansas were deeply in- 
terested in having the grants to Kansas roads properly- 
adjusted. It was the duty of the State to protect its 
citizens in their lawful rights. The railroads were 
ampl}^ able to protect themselves, their right to lands 
granted being attached the moment their lines of road 
were definitely located, and maps thereof approved by 
the Secretary of the Interior and filed in the General 
Land Office. 

Until this was done, the lands within the limits of 
the grants, respectively, were subject to the settlement 
rights of the people, the same as other public lands. 
These and all other questions relating to land grants 
and their administration by the Executive Department 
had been decided by the Supreme Court, and the grant- 
ing acts so interpreted were plain and clear. 

Within the limits of the grant to the Kansas Pacific 
road and also to the Santa Fe and the Missouri, Kan- 
sas and Texas, thousands of bona fide settlers had 
selected and filed upon homesteads prior to the definite 
location of said roads. Nevertheless, under the rul- 
ings and practice of the General Laud Office, their fil- 
ings, generally speaking, were cancelled and their 
homesteads given to the railroads. Besides, vast 
quantities of public land to which the settlers were en- 
titled under the homestead and preemption laws were 
being certified to the railroad companies without the 
shadow of authority of law. 

To check these outrageous proceedings and have 
restored to market the public lands which had been 
erroneously withdrawn and certified to the railroad 
companies, the Legislature passed the act, above 
quoted, authorizing me to secure an adjustment of all 
railroad grants within the State. That, of course, 
meant a fight to the finish. The railroad attorneys, 
able and conscious of their power, presented a bold 
front and seemed anxious for the fray. I opened the 
battle with the briefs mentioned above which soon 
brought the old guard to their feet with a loud call for 



358 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

help. I followed this with a general onslaught, and 
drove the gentlemen across the '' bridge of sighs." 

Nothing on either side was overlooked or left un- 
done. Briefs and arguments followed each other in 
rapid succession, until, finally, the opposing counsel 
were driven from the field, and sought shelter behind 
a brush-heap fortification known in the Department as 
res judicata. From this untenable position they were 
speedily dislodged and driven to the necessity of 
throwing themselves upon the mercy of the court. The 
Department then proceeded to adjust the grants and, 
after giving the railroad companies the benefit of 
every doubt, compelled them to relinquish their claim 
to an amount exceeding 900,000 acres situated along 
the lines of the Kansas Pacific and the Atchison, To- 
peka, and Santa Fe roads. 

The questions involving the right and title to lands 
within the limits of the Kansas Pacific grant dragged 
their wear^^ length around in the Interior Department 
for two years and more. They were argued and re- 
argued in the General Land Office and also before the 
Honorable Secretary of the Interior, the Attorney 
General, and Committees of Congress. 

At some of these hearings the Honorable Charles 
Francis Adams, president of the Union Pacific of which 
the Kansas Pacific was a branch, was present and ex- 
pressed himself as astonished at the manner in which 
that grant had been administered. The facts then and 
previously presented to the Department were new to 
him ; and no doubt he used his influence thereafter to 
have the grant properly adjusted, in so far as the 
previous wrongdoing could be remedied. 

The great obstacle in the way of procuring an hon- 
est administration of the law relating to land grants 
in those days, was the tremendous power and influence 
of the railroad companies. They used that power in 
furtherance of their schemes wherever it would prove 
most effective. They had wheels within wheels — 
skilfully arranged — so that the motive power on Cap- 



STATE AGENT AT WASHINGTON 359 

itol Hill (tlie Railroad and Public Land Committees 
in the two Houses) could set even the cogs in the rail- 
road divisions of the Interior Department a-humming. 

Some of the cogs were extremely biassed ; and it 
usually so happened that when their services were no 
longer required by the Government, they would re- 
tire and immediately find themselves in the employ of 
the railroad company whose claims had been most lib- 
erally adjusted. Nor was tliis custom confined exclu- 
sively to law clerks and chiefs of divisions. Higher of- 
ficials have been known to resign and enter the service 
of railroad companies whose land-grants had been ad- 
justed to their satisfaction. 

But this does not apply to Henry M. Teller, Secre- 
tary of the Interior, nor to N. C. McFarland and W. A. 
J. Sparks, Commissioners of the General Land Office 
while the Kansas grants were being adjusted. These 
officials did their duty to the extent of their ability, and 
the same was true of Secretary Lamar, who stood like 
a lion in the pathway of evil-doers, but was without 
experience in the adjustment of land grants. 

However, he applied himself diligently, and would 
have adjusted all land grants according to law, had he 
been allowed to remain at the head of the department. 
But that was not to be. He could do less harm to land 
pirates elsewhere ; so an influence was brought to bear 
on President Cleveland, and he was transferred to the 
Supreme Bench. What followed, the record shows. 
Suffice to say that the railroads received all the land 
to which they were entitled under the law. 



CHAPTER XXVIII 

GENEKAL PRACTICE 

BECOVEEY OF LANDS AND MONEYS FOR THE INDIANS 

QUAPAW TREATIES AND GOVERNMENTAL MISMANAGE- 
MENT. 

HAVING completed the work for which I was em- 
ployed by the State, and also having secured a 
fair adjustment of railroad land-grants in Kansas, I 
turned my attention to the general practice of the law 
in Washington City. In the course of this practice, I 
prosecuted many cases involving the rights of settlers 
to their homes under the homestead and preemption 
laws. 

I was also employed by many of the Indian tribes 
and nations to secure for them lands and moneys to 
which they were entitled under their respective treaties 
and laws of Congress. Some of these cases were of in- 
terest to the public as well as to the Indians, and on 
that account I deem it worth while to make mention of 
them specially. 

In pursuance of treaties dating back for many 
years, most of the tribes and nations whom I repre- 
sented had been removed from State to State until 
they were finally located in Kansas and the Indian 
Territory. 

Prior to their removal westward, the country west 
of the Mississippi River and extending northward 
from the Red River of the South to the British posses- 
sions, was occupied from time immemorial by the so- 
called wild tribes and plains Indians: namely. The 
Quapaws, Caddos, "Wichitas, Osages, Cheyennes, Ara- 

360 



GENERAL PRACTICE 361 

pahoes, Apaches, Comanches, Kiowas, Kansas or 
Kaws, Pawnees, Sioux, and Chippewas. 

These Indians roamed the plains, and subsisted 
mainly on buffalo meat and other wild game. Finally, 
suitable tracts of land, or reservations as they were 
called, were set apart by treaty stipulations to each of 
said tribes, leaving room for their brethren from east 
of the Mississippi. 

In the early part of the last century, these eastern 
tribes began to cross the Mississippi. The Cherokees, 
Creeks, Seminoles, Choctaws, and Chickasaws were as- 
signed reservations in what is now the State of Ok- 
lahoma, and the Delawares, Wyandots, Kickapoos, 
lowas, Otos, Potawatamis, Shawnees, Ottawas, Sac and 
Foxes, Peorias, Miamis, and New York Indians, were 
located on reservations which fell within the Territory 
of Kansas. 

These tribes so located in Kansas, together with 
the aborigines subsequently ceded their lands to the 
United States and removed to Oklahoma, where, as 
with the tribes already there, lands were allotted in 
severalty to the individual Indians. 

In treating with the various tribes east of the Mis- 
sissippi for the purpose of having them remove west, 
the Government was exceedingly liberal in its promises 
of lands, money, and other property ; and the same was 
true in its dealings with the wild tribes in order to get 
them to settle down on the reservations assigned them. 

When these liberal promises and extensive grants 
were made, the lands embraced in the reservations 
were regarded as of little value except for hunting pur- 
poses. But in this the Government was mistaken. The 
lands in most of the reservations subsequently proved 
to be exceedingly valuable for agricultural, mineral, 
and grazing purposes. So much so that it became al- 
most impossible for the Government to protect the In- 
dians in their lawful rights as guaranteed by treaty 
stipulations. 



362 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

RECOVERY OF LANDS AND MONEYS FOR THE INDIANS 

To establish their rights and recover vast tracts of 
land which had virtually been confiscated, the leading 
tribes employed counsel to represent them in the de- 
partments and before the courts and committees of 
Congress. I was employed by the eastern Cherokees, 
Creeks, Seminoles, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Quapaws, 
Cheyennes, and Arapahoes. 

For the eastern Cherokees, with the assistance of 
co-counsel, we obtained a decision from the Supreme 
court authorizing the members of that band to share 
in the allotment of the tribal lands in the Indian Terri- 
tory, which insured each one a valuable home. 

For the Creeks, we recovered two million, two hun- 
dred and eighty thousand dollars in lieu of lands pre- 
viously taken by the Government to be opened to 
settlement in Western Oklahoma; also six hundred 
thousand dollars for the loyal Creeks on account of 
property taken or destroyed by the enemy during the 
Civil War. 

For the Seminoles, John F. Brown and I recovered 
one million, nine hundred and twelve thousand dollars 
for lands appropriated by the Government for white 
settlement in Western Oklahoma ; also one hundred 
and eighty-seven thousand dollars for property lost, 
for which the Government was responsible. Brown 
was Governor of that nation, and a man among men. 

For the Choctaws and Chickasaws, Captain J. S. 
Stanley and others, with my assistance, secured two 
million, nine hundred and ninety-two thousand dollars 
in payment for lands appropriated by the Government 
and given to other Indians. 

For the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, Matt. G. Rey- 
nolds and I, assisted by Colonels Dyer and Miles, re- 
covered one million, five hundred thousand dollars and 
also an additional allotment of eighty acres for each 
member of the two tribes, on account of a reservation 
in Northern Oklahoma which the Government desired 
for white settlement. 



GENERAL PRACTICE 363 

For the Quapaws, Mr. A. W. Abrams, Secretary of 
the National Council, and I, did more. This tribe or 
nation, originally owned and occupied a large reserva- 
tion of valuable lands in what is now the State of Ar- 
kansas. These lands were theirs by right of discovery, 
and had been occupied from time immemorial. 

By treaty, proclaimed Januarj'- 5, 1818, the tribe 
ceded and conveyed to the United States for a nominal 
sum, all their lands west of the Mississippi River, 
except a reservation south of the Arkansas River, 
embracing about two million acres ; and by treaty, pro- 
claimed February 18, 1825, the United States pur- 
chased this reservation at less than one cent per acre 
to be paid for in goods, chattels, and unfulfilled 
promises. 

This sharp practice m land-dealing on the part of 
the Government, wiped out all right, title, and interest 
of the Quapaws in and to their vast reservation in Ar- 
kansas, and sent them as paupers and beggars to a 
sickly locality on Red River, where one-fourth of the 
tribe died from disease and starvation within a short 
period. 

The Government, becoming ashamed of its in- 
famous treatment of the Quapaws, concluded another 
treaty with them on May 13, 1833, from which the fol- 
lowing is an extract : 

QUAPAW TREATIES AND GOVERNMENTAL MISMANAGEMENT 

"Whereas, by the treaty between the United States and 
the Quapaw Indians, concluded November 15th, 1824, they 
ceded to the United States all their lands in the Territory 
of Arkansas, and according to which they were " to he con- 
centrated and confined to a district of country inhabited by 
the Caddo Indians and form a part of said tribe "; and 
whereas they did remove according to the stipulations of 
said treaty, and settled on the Bayou Treache on the south 
side of Red River, on a tract of land given them by the 
Caddo Indians, but which was found subject to frequent 
inundations on account of the raft on Red River ; and where 
their crops were destroyed by the water year after year; 



364 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

and which also proved to be a very sickly country ; and where 
in a short time, nearly one-fourth of their people died; and 
whereas they could obtain no other situation from the Cad- 
dos and they refused to incorporate them and receive them 
as a constituent part of their tribe as contemplated by their 
treaty with the United States ; and as they saw no alternative 
but to perish if they continued there, or to return to their 
old residence on the Arkansas, they therefore chose the lat- 
ter; and whereas they now find themselves very unhappily 
situated in consequence of having their little improvements 
taken from them by the settlers of the country; and being 
anxious to secure a permanent and peaceable home, the fol- 
lowing articles or treaty are agreed upon between the United 
States and the Quapaw Indians by John F. Schermerhorn 
. . . commissioners of Indian affairs west, and the 
chiefs and warriors of said Quapaw Indians, this (13th) 
thirteenth day of May, 1833. . . . 

Article 1. The Quapaw Indians hereby relinquish and 
convey to the United States all their right and title to the 
lands given them by the Caddo Indians on the Bayou Treache 
of Red River. . . . 

Article II. The United States hereby agree to convey to 
the Quapaw Indians one hundred and fifty sections of land 
west of the State line of Missouri and between the lands of 
the Senecas and Shawnees, not heretofore assigned to any 
other tribe of Indians, the same to be selected and assigned 
by the commissioners of Indian affairs West, and which is 
expressly designed to be [in] lieu of their location on Red 
River, and to carry into effect the treaty of 1824, in order 
to provide a permanent home for their nation; the United 
States agree to convey the same by patent, to them and their 
descendants as long as they shall exist as a nation or con- 
tinue to reside thereon, and they also agree to protect them 
in their new residence, against all interruption or disturb- 
ance from any other tribe or nation of Indians or from any 
other person or persons whatever. 

From this treaty, as will be observed, the Quapaws 
received one hundred and fifty sections of land in ex- 
change for lands on Red River, and were promised 
Letters Patent therefor as evidence of their title. 



GENERAL PRACTICE 365 

Upon these lands they settled, built homes, and would 
have lived in ease and comfort, but for their subse- 
quent treatment by the Indian Office and its agents. 

For years under some of their agents, they were 
not allowed to lease their lands for grazing or agricul- 
tural purposes, while at the same time their broad 
prairies, covered with luxuriant grasses, were leased 
by some of their agents, ostensibly, under instructions 
from the Indian Office. That may have been true, but 
if so, it was unjust. It was an infringement on their 
legal rights as owners of- the soil, and embarrassed 
them seriously, because, as yet, they were just begin- 
ning to learn how to farm. They owned the lands by 
title in fee simple ; but being wards of the Government 
by the right of might, they had to submit to the decree 
of their guardian. 

But through the dark gloom of half a century, they 
finally began to approach the light. There came among 
them a young man fresh from the war, who was accus- 
tomed to the rattle of musketry and the roar of artil- 
lery; and their good judgment told them that they 
needed him in their business. They had been buffeted 
from pillar to post until it seemed as though they had 
no rights that even their guardian was bound to 
respect. 

They, therefore, pleaded with this young artillery- 
man to stay and become one of them. Having Indian 
blood in his veins and learning of the wrongs that had 
been heaped upon bis brethren, he finally yielded to 
their solicitations and agreed to stay. He knew it was 
an enlistment for another war and a fight to the finish ; 
but he took off his coat and said, '^ Let the battle be- 
gin! " This was A. W. Abrams, whose section of the 
Third Kansas Battery always spoke with no uncertain 
sound when the battle was on. 

Soon thereafter Mr. Abrams was selected as Secre- 
tary of the Tribal Council, and at once began to form 
his lines for action, offensive and defensive. Vultures 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

in human form — officials and others — were perched 
on viewpoints in and all round the reservation, ready 
to swoop down and gobble up anything and everything 
the Indians possessed, ranging from an Indian pony 
to the entire body of Quapaw lands. 

Not satisfied with a permit from the agent to graze 
vast herds of stock in their pastures, free of rental in 
so far as the Indians were concerned, a smart set from 
without, a secret conspiracy formed whereby it was 
proposed to have all the Quapaws abandon their res- 
ervation and remove to the Osage country, as they had 
previously been tricked into doing when they gave up 
their lands in Arkansas and joined the Caddos on Red 
River. 

A clause in their treaty (above quoted), as will be 
observed, provided that the lands should be their prop- 
erty so long as they continued to reside thereon. 
Therefore, if they could be prevailed upon to move off, 
the lands would become vacant, and, hence, the conspir- 
ators would have a wide and rich field in which to 
operate. 

Against this gigantic scheme, Mr. Abrams and the 
chief and council set their faces resolutely. They ap- 
plied to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the 
Secretary of the Interior, for authority to allot their 
lands to the members of the tribe in severalty, but 
their application was rejected. Then they appealed to 
Congress for such authority, and there they met with 
no better success. Then they came to me for advice 
and counsel. 

After examining their treaties and satisfying my- 
self as to the validity of their title, I gave them an 
opinion as to the proper course to pursue. The lands 
were held by the tribe in common with a conditional 
fee-simple title. The condition, as expressed in the 
treaty, was nugatory, because the Indians were not go- 
ing to become extinct nor abandon their lands. I was 
therefore employed to assist them and Mr. Abrams, 



GENERAL PRACTICE 367 

and I started in on new lines, such as at first did not 
meet the approval of the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs. 

We laid our plans, nevertheless, and proceeded to 
prepare an Act for the Quapaw Council which provided 
for the allotment of their lands in severalty. This Act 
was in due time introduced and passed by the Council 
and a certified copy thereof filed in the Indian Office at 
Washington. 

To this the Commissioner (Morgan) objected, and 
informed us that the Government would not permit 
such a proceeding. The schemers outside, who were 
lying in wait for the lands, also objected, and some of 
them howled and gnashed their teeth at the proposed 
high-handed outrage. 

But, all the same, we moved right along in the even 
tenor of our way, and the lands were allotted by a 
Committee appointed by the Council, and each mem- 
ber of the tribe — man, woman, and child — received 
240 acres. These allotments were subsequently rati- 
fied by Congress, and the Secretary of the Interior 
was directed to issue patents accordingly. 

Following this, we secured legislation by Congress, 
making the Quapaws citizens of the United States and 
authorizing them to lease their lands as individuals for 
agricultural and mining purposes. And now they are 
a happy, contented, prosperous people, notwithstand- 
ing the impediments that have been thrown in their 
way by Government officials. 

Had the Senecas and some of the other tribes in 
the Indian Territory made their own allotments, as did 
the Quapaws, it would have been better for them and 
less expensive for the Government. 



CHAPTER XXIX 

BACK TO THE FARM FARMING WITH DYNAMITE 

** Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." 

OF all the professions and peaceful pursuits of life, 
the farm and farming, to me, stand preeminently 
in the foreground. I was bom and reared on a farm. 
I loved the farm and everything pertaining thereto; 
the old hills and tall trees; the rich valleys and swift- 
running brooks ; the never-failing springs of clear cold 
water, and the orchard laden with delicious fruit ; the 
domestic animals grazing in the pastures; fowls of 
the farm and birds of the forest; the fields of golden 
grain and meadows of new-born hay; the country 
school with healthy, rollicking boys and girls ; and the 
neighborhood of contented, honest, industrious, truth- 
ful people, who were ever ready to lend a helping hand. 
All seemed good to me. 

In the midst of such surroundings I passed my boy- 
hood days, and to me they have always been near and 
dear. Hence my desire to return to the farm. It is 
the place for the poor man and the man of wealth. 
It is the place for the sick man and the man of health. 
It is the ideal place to live ; the place to raise boys and 
girls and train them to meet conditions in life. 

With the facilities afforded by the telephone and 
the rural mail carriers, the farm is not now so far 
removed from the attraction of gravitation as it used 
to be. The farm is not only more healthful and better 
for those who are struggling to obtain the necessities 
of life, but it is better in a moral way for all concerned. 

The tendency to evil-doing in the cities, as every- 

368 



BACK TO THE FARM 369 

body knows, is increasing at a rapid rate. If present 
conditions continue, and things are allowed to go on 
as they are now going, it is only a question of time 
when truth, integrity, and virtue will cease to be car- 
dinal principles upon which the home, society, and the 
State must stand, if they are to stand. 

Already we have macadamized roads leading from 
the altar to the divorce courts; and pretty soon the 
Legislature may be asked for an appropriation to make 
them wider and provide for additional courts to handle 
the business, A marriage contract, when properly ex- 
ecuted, should be binding as the laws of the Medes and 
Persians are said to have been, and any violation 
thereof should be met with severe punishment. 

On the farm, as a general rule, neither party gives 
the other an excuse or grounds for a divorce. When 
the young folks get married they settle down and go 
hand in hand through life, happy, contented, and pros- 
perous. If one or the other imagines that a mistake 
has been made, they compare notes ; and finding that 
their shortcomings average up about even, they agree 
to let well-enough alone, and that ends the trouble. 
But in cities such cases are rare. Ordinarily, when the 
country people get married, they know each other and 
understand what they are doing. In fact the weight 
of every argument is in favor of the farm as a place 
to live and train children. 

Then why should not all go to the farm who can? 
There industrious, intelligent people may live in com- 
fort and provide for old age, rather than wear them- 
selves out in the city by daily labor; but when city 
folks are no longer able to work, they find themselves 
at the mercy of cold humanity. Of course, people on 
the farm have to work, but their work is easy as com- 
pared with the ordinary work in the city. Yes, why 
not go back to the farm and give your boys and girls 
an even chance in the race of life. 

The poorest and most improvident of the farmers 



370 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

live better, have better health, see less trouble, and 
are happier than the most wealthy of the millionaires 
in this or any other country. When settled down to 
farming, they take the world easy. In seed-time and 
harvest they plough and plant and reap and sow, but 
they are seldom too busy to stop work and help a 
neighbor in time of need. 

While they sleep, their crops are growing, and 
their horses, mules, cattle, and other live stock are 
comfortably housed or feeding in the pastures; 
while the chickens are crowing the farmer is up 
and doing. When winter comes he repairs his fences, 
does the chores, sits by a good fire, reads, and 
waits for the coming of spring. His troubles consist 
largely in having to pay trust prices for farm imple- 
ments, lumber, barbed wire, and school books. But 
even with these outrages heaped upon him by reason 
of an unjust tariff and unreasonable taxes, the farmer 
is happier and better contented than any of the people 
who are reaping a harvest at his expense. 

My farm is situated on both sides of Spring River, 
near the beautiful town of Baxter Springs in Cherokee 
County. It is both a grain and stock farm, with a lake 
in the centre fed by springs. It lies midway between 
the rich lead and zinc mines around Galena and the 
Quapaw mining camp in Oklahoma, six miles distant 
from each, and seven miles east of the model farm of J. 
C. Naylor, who prides himself on having the best farm 
in Cherokee County. 

He has a good farm, but Cherokee is a large county 
and contains many fine farms. In some counties the 
farm of Eugene F. Ware would be considered a model 
(and it is when compared to that of Mr. Naylor), but 
neither quite reaches the standard of first-class farms 
on Spring River. The farm of Colonel H. H. Gregg 
adjoins mine on the south, and we are willing to com- 
pete with Mr. Naylor at any time for the prize. 

But while Mr. Naylor and the farmers of Spring 



BACK TO THE FARM 371 

River Valley may indulge themselves in a spirit of riv- 
alry, I fear it would not be prudent for us to flaunt 
our banners in the face of young farmers in the State 
who are working under rules and regulations pre- 
scribed by the Kansas State Agricultural College, an 
institution of which all Kansas farmers are justly 
proud. That school has already raised the standard of 
scientific farming so high that I see no way out of it 
but for Naylor, Ware, Gregg, and myself, to beat our 
guns into ploughshares, our spears into hoes, and our 
swords into pruning-hooks, and buckle down to the soil 
as in the days of our youth. 

That is just what the Palmetto men and boys of the 
South are doing, as will appear from the following 
clipped from ^' Collier's Weekly " of recent date: 

Two Blades of Grass Where One Grew Before 

Jerry H. Moore, of Florence County, South Carolina, is 
the champion corn raiser of the world; at least he is the 
champion ainong boys and, so far as we know, the champion 
among men at the present time. Jerry raised two hundred 
and twenty-eight bushels and three pecks on a single acre 
last Summer — that is, within twenty-four bushels of the 
world's record, which was made twenty-two years ago. 
There are more than a million full-grown men farmers in the 
United States who were content, when they gathered their 
crop last October, to find they had raised forty bushels an 
acre, one-fifth of Jerry's crop. There is a hint of important 
changes to come, in the fact that Jerry lives not in Iowa, 
nor in Illinois, nor in any other part of what is commonly 
called the Corn Belt, but in South Carolina, within seventy- 
five miles of the Atlantic Ocean. In the present state of this 
nation it is more important to give distinction for perform- 
ances like Jerry Moore's than for proficiency in rhetoric; 
and more suitable to print a picture of him than of the man 
who won the local nomination for Congress. President W. 
W. Finley of the Southern Railway said of the recent South 
Atlantic States Corn Exposition that * It marks what I be- 
lieve to be the most important development in Southern 
agriculture since the invention of the cotton-gin.' Practical 



372 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

persons who want to learn more about Jerry Moore's meth- 
ods of cultivation can probably find out by writing to Mr. 
William E. Gonzales, who is the editor of The State, at 
Columbia, South Carolina, and is an enthusiast on his State's 
progress in corn-raising. 

This young man, doubtless, is the grandson of one 
of Wade Hampton 's bold riders in the Civil War ; and 
whether he is or not, he has demonstrated to the world 
that the hoe is mightier than the sword. He has struck 
high-water mark, in so far as I have observed, and it 
now remains for the brave boys of Kansas, Iowa, and 
Illinois to beat it if they can. 

FARMING WITH DYNAMITE 

During the past three years I have been making ex- 
periments with the view of pulverizing the subsoil and 
utilizing the rainfall. In a communication to " The 
Kansas Farmer " of date March 13, 1909, I explained 
my theory and methods as follows : 

In many parts of the West, and especially in South- 
eastern Kansas, the surface soil is underlaid with a stratum 
of compact subsoil or " hard pan," which is impervious to 
water and impenetrable to the roots of growing grain, 
grasses, alfalfa, and many other products essential to the 
farm. These strata of so-called " hard pan " vary in thick- 
ness and depth ; but, however thick or deep they may lie be- 
low the surface soil, they check the growth of the cereals, 
grasses, alfalfa, sugarbeets, fruit trees, and other things 
which have need to send their roots downward to their nat- 
ural depth through an easily penetrable subsoil that receives 
the surplus rainfall and retains moisture during the season 
when moisture is most needed. On some farms which I have 
visited, the ' ' hard pan ' ' lies within six inches of the surface 
and varies in thickness from six inches to six feet. Gen- 
erally speaking, it is impossible for such land to produce 
more than a half crop, whether the season be wet or dry. On 
such land, the roots of corn and other things will go down 
to the " hard pan," turn off at right angles, and draw their 
nourishment only from the surface soil. That soil to the 



BACK TO THE FARM 373 

depth of the plough, an average of six inches, is speedily 
filled with water w'hen the rains set in, while the surplus 
rainfall, from three to four feet annually, rolls off to the 
ravines and is lost to agriculture, when it could be easily 
stored in sub-reservoirs for use when needed by breaking the 
" hard pan " with powder and allowing the water to pass 
through or into such reservoirs. 

Last summer I tried the experiment of breaking the ' ' hard 
pan " on my farm in Cherokee County, preparatory to 
sowing the same in alfalfa. I used an ordinary two-inch 
auger, remodelled by a blacksmith, with a steel handle added, 
suitable for the purpose. We bored holes in the ground from 
two to six feet deep, and from twenty to thirty feet apart, 
according to the nature and compactness of the subsoil and 
" hard pan." We used one stick of ordinary blasting-powder 
in each hole, which would create an opening to the surface 
of from eight to ten inches in diameter, break the ground all 
around for a distance of from ten to fifteen feet, and at the 
same time establish a sub-reservoir below the bottom of the 
bored hole from three to six feet in diameter, with the '' hard 
pan " all around shivered into fragments. Blasting powder 
of average strength, such as I used, breaks downward with 
greater force than otherwise. The holes and openings so 
created should be filled or partially filled with sand or gravel, 
so as to keep them open permanently as a passage way for 
the surplus rainfall. The water thus conveyed into sub- 
reservoirs, whether it remains therein any length of time or 
distributes itself through subsoil, will linger and leave mois- 
ture sufficient to supply the roots of everything that grows 
in the ground. Heretofore, instead of thus storing the sur- 
plus water for use when most needed, which nature always 
brings in abundance, it has been allowed to go to waste, and 
the farmers suffer the consequences when the dry weather 
sets in. 

My experience is that Nature always does the right 
thing at the right time. She supplies us liberally with 
everything essential and if we neglect or fail to avail our- 
selves of her bountiful gifts, we have only ourselves to blame. 
Sometimes we think the rainfall at certain seasons is too 
much, and at others, not enough, but the plan suggested will, 
in my opinion, remedy both these supposed evils. The bulk 
of the surplus rainfall, whether thirty or forty inches each 



374 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

year will readily be absorbed by the broken ground and 
shattered " hard pan " underneath the surface soil, and in 
consequence thereof, a sufficient amount of moisture will be 
retained in the ground, not only to supply the growing 
crops but also to keep other fields in good condition for fall 
ploughing. 

Nor are these the only benefits to be derived. When 
the spring rains come, the water often stands in fields until 
it is too late to plant, or if the planting season is past, then 
until the growing crops are drowned out. If that surplus 
water, when it falls, could pass through into loose ground and 
sub-reservoirs, all such trouble and damage would be 
avoided. 

But to break and utilize the " hard pan " that lies in 
strata under many farms, and control and utilize thirty-six 
inches of water that is handed down to us, sometimes in 
torrents, is no light task. It is not so costly, from a money 
point of view, but it takes labor, patience, and perserverance. 
In so far as the money is concerned, it will take eighty 
sticks of powder per acre, which, with caps and fuse at 
wholesale price, are worth about $1.50, everything else es- 
sential (except the two-inch auger, worth 50 cents) comes 
under the head of labor, which any farmer can do at his 
leisure in dry weather. The increased yield of corn or 
wheat per acre in one season will richly pay for shooting the 
ground; and as for alfalfa and sugar beets, it is indis- 
pensable, where the ground is underlaid with " hard pan." 
At least that is my experience in Spring River Valley. 

Last summer I dynamited eight acres and seeded the 
same in alfalfa. The ground was level; and when the fall 
rains came, the water which formerly stood for days on the 
ground, was immediately absorbed, leaving the alfalfa dry 
and apparently in good condition. 

That this is the proper method of treating compact 
subsoil'and '' hard pan," has been demonstrated to my 
entire satisfaction. It is already being tried by others, 
and will eventually be the means of reclaiming mil- 
lions of acres, now unproductive. Besides, it is the 
proper way to drain wet and swampy lands and also to 
prepare the ground for the planting of trees and 
shrubbery. 



BACK TO THE FARM 375 

With this and other scientific experiments now be- 
ing prosecuted under the direction of our State Agri- 
cultural College, the Kansas boys will perhaps be able 
to hold their own with the youth of South Carolina 
and other corn-producing States of the Union. 

Especially would this be true if the authorities 
should close our manual training schools in the cities, 
cut out the summer excursions, put the base-ball in cold 
storage, let up on picture shows, and go to the garden 
and the field for muscular training and picturesque 
scenery. Then we should, ere long, have an average of 
better men, mentally, morally, and physically, and not 
so many tramps, beggars, thieves, safe-blowers, and 
train-robbers. The cities are becoming hot-beds for 
the breeding of criminals, and many of the young folks 
are well on their way to ruin before their parents are 
aware of the fact. 

In a lecture recently delivered by Judge Estelle of 
the Juvenile Court of Omaha, in the First Methodist 
Church of Topeka, he said : 

If there is a boy or girl in Topeka who becomes a criminal, 
you parents of that child are responsible before God and man 
for letting that boy or girl get into that path of life. 
Criminals are made by society, and not of their own accord. 
Because the man or woman is in the best of society, of the 
best people of the town, does not make him any better than 
any other person. 

I do not believe in sending boys to the reform schools, 
as in most of cases it does more harm than it does good. 
The place for boys who need attention is the home, not the 
reform school. The reform schools are a half-way station 
for the hoys. I think that we ought to have a large home 
to which we can send these boys, and in a short time they 
would be entirely different human beings. In the year 1886 
I well remember sentencing seven boys to the reform school, 
and in the year 1891, I remember sending six of that seven 
to the State penitentiary for several years' sentence. 

I have never yet sentenced a man for a one-year term 
in the penitentiary that I did not feel that he would stay; 



376 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

there longer than that or may be for life. The best way on 
earth to spoil a boy or girl is to turn them loose on the 
streets and let them do as they please. 

The vulgar and immoral plays of to-day have more to do 
with the downfall of the young life of the city than any one 
thing of the time. I have seen more young people spoiled 
by the imprint of a play than any one thing which I can 
now recall. 

In the country after a hard clay's work, the boy or 
young man is ready for rest and sleep. He does not 
stroll off down town in search of amusement. When 
awake, his mind is employed on matters of importance. 

Kansas is, first of all, an agricultural and stock- 
growing State. It also produces a fine quality and 
variety of fruit, and contains rich deposits of lead, 
zinc, coal, oil, and gas. The soil is rich, and the climate 
is unexcelled ; and when the surplus population in our 
overcrowded towns and cities go back to the farm and 
become producers, instead of drones and idle con- 
sumers, v/e shall have a State that will be the pride and 
admiration of all its citizens. 



CHAPTER XXX 



CONCLUSION 



IN reviewing the record of the past fifty-two years, 
I have endeavored to be accurate and make plain 
the important events and incidents as they occurred 
during that stomiy period. 

The Act of Congress creating the Territory of Kan- 
sas, was approved on May 30, 1854, and from that day 
the real struggle for the life or death of human slavery 
in this country began. The Proslavery statesmen of 
the South, having already advanced on Washington 
and captured the Executive and Judicial Departments 
of the Government, proceeded to enforce slavery in 
Kansas, and tried to protect it with a shotgun brigade 
from Missouri. This was the beginning of the Civil 
War, which ended at Appomattox. The shotgun brig- 
ade was, ere long, driven back to Missouri, where they 
struggled heroically with *' John Barleycorn " until 
called into active service by Governor Jackson and 
General Price, and started on a run from Boonville 
to the happy hunting-grounds. 

To give a detailed account of all the atrocities com- 
mitted by them in Missouri and Kansas would require 
many volumes. In fact it is best to let the darkest 
of their many crimes rest beside them in graves of 
oblivion, where most of them are now sleeping. When 
they started out on their perilous journey, they knew 
not where they were going. They were simply rounded 
up by shrewd politicians and driven like dumb cattle 
to the slaughter pen. But it was a lesson to them and 
a warning to future generations. That the result of 
the war was a blessing to the people of the South goes 
without saying. 

377 



378 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

The institution of slavery, which oppressed the peo- 
ple and wasted their opportunities for a century, no 
longer stands in their way. They are now disen- 
thralled and rapidly adapting themselves to the new 
order of things ; and ere long will lead the world in the 
production of many of the necessaries of life. They 
have the climate, the soil, the water, the timber, the 
mineral, the labor, and all things essential to success. 

The most serious question that confronts them, and 
the whole American people at the present time, is a 
lack of confidence in each other and in the integrity 
of business industries. Of course, the Government at 
Washington comes in for a share of criticism, and, 
sometimes deservedly so; but a want of confidence 
among the people themselves is the real danger that is 
now staring them in the face. 

The corporations, trusts, and individuals who think 
they are fooling all the people all the time, are simply 
fooling themselves. They may ply their games and 
run with loosened rein for a while, but it is only a 
question of time when they will be rounded up and 
placed where they belong. Legions of sucli pirates 
are abroad in the land, seeking whom they may de- 
vour, and the sooner they call a halt and retrace their 
footsteps, the better it will be for them. 

The high-handed, criminal outrages committed 
daily, openly, and notoriously in violation of the law 
by chartered companies, corporations, trusts, com- 
bines, bank and train robbers, officials, and Legislative 
fixers, are bearing heavily upon the people en- 
gaged in busines conducted on legitimate lines. They 
have already crushed many and driven others to the 
wall. They have demoralized legislatures, debauched 
legislation, ignored the law, and defied the authorities. 
If this is not treason, plain and flagrant, then, pray 
tell us what it is? 

Any person who reads the history of the past; the 
rise, progress, and downfall of other Republics, will 



CONCLUSION 379 

not fail to see the dangers that now confront the Gov- 
ernment and people of the United States. That this 
Government has cut loose from a safe harbor and is 
sailing recklessly in the wake of nations that have gone 
down under the weight of their own folly, is as clear 
as the noonday sun. Anybody, whether or not he can 
read, ought to be able to see the whirlpool into which 
we are drifting. 

I may be unnecessarily alarmed over the dangers 
tliat threaten from within and without; and I hope I 
am. But judging from the temperament and char- 
acteristics of the American people, and knowing some- 
thing of the history of other republics, I fear the worst. 
Somehow I feel that a storm is gathering, and that it 
is time to reef our sails and pull for the shore. The 
purple clouds all around seem angry and ominous. 

The people at home and abroad are in a state of un- 
rest. Nations are building Dreadnoughts and frown- 
ing at one another, and seeking to become world 
powers. Grafters, trusts, and the hog combine, screen- 
ing themselves behind special protective privileges 
granted by Congress, have destroyed competition in 
trade at home, and are rapidly absorbing the net earn- 
ings of every legitimate business and industry within 
the range of possibilit5^ 

Fakers, free-booters, bank robbers, and highway- 
men, are plying their vocation, seemingly without fear, 
favor, or affection. The right of suffrage vouchsafed 
to the American voters, as the foundation upon which 
our Government stands, has become an article of com- 
modity in many localities, and is bartered away witli a 
flippancy that seldom attracts attention. Members of 
the Legislatures of a number of the States of tliis 
Union have been known to sell their votes to be used 
in the election of United States Senators, and then 
go before the courts and with brazen, impudence ac- 
knowledge their crimes. 

In the face of all these things and other political 



380 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

and official crimes and misdemeanors that might be 
mentioned, how long, may I ask, can this Government 
stand up and look honest people in the face"? Well 
hath the poet said: 

Hide, hide, my country, thy diminished head ! 

But our Government and people are not alone in 
their political debauchery. All nations at times lose 
their bearings and stray off after strange gods. 
Greece, Rome, and many other countries of the East, 
wandered away from their moorings so far that they 
never were able to get back ; while Spain, after playing 
the colonial empire business for several centuries, 
finally found herself stranded in the Philippines and 
was sent home in rags. 

It is to be hoped that our Government, while yet in 
the bloom of youth, will square its action by the rule 
of right and prove to the world what a republic can do. 



APPENDIX* 

TERRITORY AND STATE OF KANSAS 

Area, 80,891 square miles, or, 51,776,240 acres 

A BILL (H. R. 236) " to organize the Territories of Ne- 
braska and Kansas," was, on the thirty-first of January, 
1854, reported in the House of Representatives by the Hon. 
Wm, A. Ricliardson from Committee on Territories; passed 
that House May 22 ; passed the Senate May 25 ; and became 
a law May 30, 1854. A Constitution was adopted by a con- 
vention at Topeka, October 23 to November 2, 1855. It was 
affirmed that the Bill was submitted to the people of the 
Territory, and ratified December 15, 1855, by a vote of 
one thousand seven hundred and thirty-one for, to 46 
against it. 

A bill (S. 172) " to authorize the people of the Territory 
of Kansas to form a Constitution and State Government, pre- 
paratory to their admission into the Union, whenever they 
have the requisite population " was reported in the Senate 
by the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, from Committee on Ter- 
ritories, March 17, 1856, and recommitted June 25, 1856. 

On the seventh of April, 1856, a Memorial of certain 
individuals, representing themselves as Senators and Rep- 
resentatives in the General Assembly of the " State of Kan- 
sas," praying tliie admission of Kansas into the Union as a 
State upon an equal footing with the other States, was pre- 
sented in the Senate by the Hon. Lewis Cass, and referred to 
the Committee on Territories. 

A bill (H. R. 411) " authorizing the people of the Ter- 
ritory of Kansas to form a Constitution and State Govern- 
ment, preparatory to their admission into the Union on an 
equal footing with the original States," was reported from 
the Committee on Territories, House of Representatives, by 
the Hon. Galusha A. Grow, May 29, 1856, and passed that 
House July 3, 1856. In Senate referred July 7; reported 

• The matter classified in this Appendix is not included in the 
Index. 

381 



382 KA.NSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

with amendment July 8 ; amended and passed Senate July 8, 
1856, under same title as the preceding Bill (S, 356). The 
House of Representatives took no action on the amended Bill 
and it therefore failed to become a law. 

A Bill (S 343) " supplementary to an Act to organize 
the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas " was introduced on 
leave in the Senate, by the Hon. John M. Clayton, June 16, 
1856, and referred to Committee on Territories, June 24, 
1856. 

A Bill (S. 351) *' supplementary to an Act to organize 
the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, and to provide for 
the faithful execution of said Act in the Territory of Kansas 
according to the true intent and meaning thereof, " was in- 
troduced on leave in the Senate, by the Hon. Henry S. 
Geyer, June 24, 1856, and referred to Committee on Ter- 
ritories on same day. 

A Bill (S. 256) " to authorize the people of the Ter- 
ritory of Kansas to form a Constitution and State Govern- 
ment, preparatory to their admission into the Union on an 
equal footing with the original States," was reported to the 
Senate from Committee on Territories, by the Hon. Stephen 
A. Douglas, June 30, 1856, and passed the Senate July 2, 
1856. Not acted upon by the House of Representatives. 

A Bill (H. R. 75) "to organize the Territory of Kan- 
sas, and for other purposes," was passed by the House of 
Representatives July 29, and laid upon the table in the 
Senate, August 11, 1856. 

A Bill (S. 464) " amendatory of an Act passed May 30, 
1854, entitled *' An Act to organize the Territories of Ne- 
braska and Kansas," was, on the twenty-sixth of August, 
1856, introduced on leave in the Senate, by the Hon. John B. 
Welle, and on the twenty-seventh of August, 1856, ordered 
to lie on the table. 

A Bill (S. 466) " to alter and amend the Act of Con- 
gress entitled " An Act to organize the Territories of Ne- 
braska and Kansas," was introduced on leave in the Senate, 
by the Hon. John J. Crittenden, August 28, 1856, and or- 
dered to lie on the table, August 30, 1856. 

A Bill (S. 476) " amendatory of an Act passed May 30, 
1854, entitled, " An Act to organize the Territories of Ne- 
braska and Kansas," was, on the sixteenth of December, 1856, 
introduced on leave in the Senate, by the Hon. Henry Wil- 



APPENDIX 383 

son, and passed the Senate, January 21, 1857. Not acted 
upon by the House of Representatives. 

THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 

A convention met at Lecorapton, September 5, 1857, 
took a recess for a month, and finished a Constitution, No- 
vember 7, 1857. It was at once sent to the President. The 
clause sanctioning slavery was submitted to the people, and 
ratified, December 31, 1857, by a vote of 6,226 to 598 votes 
against it. The entire Constitution was submitted to the 
people, and its friends and opponents both claimed a ma- 
jority. It was claimed that on the twenty-first of Decem- 
ber, 1858, the Constitution, with slavery, was ratified by 
6,143, against 589 received by the Constitution without slav- 
ery. It was also said that on the seventh of January, 1859, 
the Constitution was rejected, there being 138 votes for it 
with slavery, 24 for it without slavery, and 10,126 votes 
against it, 

A Bill (H. R. 7) "to authorize the people of the Ter- 
ritory of Kansas to form a Constitution and State govern- 
ment, preparatory to their admission into the Union with all 
the rights of the original States," was introduced on leave 
in the House of Representatives by the Hon. Nathaniel P. 
Banks, December 18, 1857, and referred to Committee on 
Territories. Not further acted upon. 

A Bill (S. 15) "to authorize the people of the Territory 
of Kansas to form a Constitution and State Government, 
preparatory to their admission into the Union on an equal 
footing with the original States," was introduced on leave 
in the Senate, by the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, December 
18, 1857, and referred to Committee on Territories. No 
further action was taken. 

A Bill (S. 37) " to provide for the admission of Kansas 
into the Union," was introduced on leave in the Senate, by 
the Hon. George E. Pugh, January 4, 1858, and referred to 
Committee on Territories. Not further acted upon. 

On the first of February, 1858, a preamble and joint res- 
olution of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Kan- 
sas " in relation to the Constitution framed at Lecompton, 
Kansas Territory, on the seventh of November, 1857," and 
concurrent resolutions "reaffirming the Topeka Constitution 
of October 23, 1855," were presented in the House of Rep- 



384 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

resentatives by the Hon. Marcus J. Parrot, and were laid on 
the table and ordered to be printed. 

THE MINEOLA AND LEAVENWORTH CONSTITUTION 

A constitution was adopted by a convention which met 
at Mineola, March 23, 1858, and adjourned to Leavenworth, 
March 25, 1858, and finished its work April 3, 1859. It was 
averred that the Constitution was submitted to the poeple 
the third Tuesday in May, 1858, and ratified by a vote of 
4,346 for it, to 1,257 against it. 

A Bill (S. 161) " for the admission of Kansas into the 
Union " was reported from Committee on Territories, Sen- 
ate, by the Hon. James S. Green, February 18, 1858; passed 
the Senate, March 23, passed the House of Representatives 
with an amendment April 1, 1858. On April 2, said amend- 
ment was disagreed to by the Senate, and a conference com- 
mittee was appointed. The report of the conference commit- 
tee was agreed to by both Houses, April 30, and the bill be- 
came a law. May 4, 1858. By this Act, the ordinance — 
adopted on the seventh day of November, 1857, by a conven- 
tion assembled at Lecompton for the purpose of forming a 
Constitution and State Government! — which asserted the 
rights of Kansas, when admitted into the Union, to tax the 
lands within her borders belong to the United States, but pro- 
posed to relinquish such right on certain conditions, was de- 
clared to be unacceptable to Congress ; and certain changes in 
said ordinance was submitted for acceptance or rejection by 
the people of Kansas. 

A Bill (S. 194) " for the admission of Kansas into the 
Union " was introduced on leave in the Senate by Hon. 
"William H. Seward, and referred to Committee on Ter- 
ritories. Not reported on. 

THE WYANDOTTE CONSTITUTION 

This Constitution, under which the State was admitted 
(after some amendments), was adopted by a convention 
which met at Wyandotte, July 5-29, 1859. October 4, 1859, it 
was ratified by the people by a vote of 19,421 for, to 5,530 
against. 

ADMISSION OF THE STATE OP KANSAS 

A bill (H. R. 23) " for the admission of Kansas into the 
Union ' ' was introduced on leave in the House of Representa- 



APPENDIX 



385 



tives, by the Hon. Galusha A. Grow, February 15, I860; 
passed that House, April 11, I860; and passed the Senate, 
January 21, 1861, with an amendment, to which the House 
of Representatives agreed, January 28, 1861. This Act de- 
clared the State of Kansas admitted into the Union on an 
equal footing with the original States, a Constitution and 
State Government republican in form, which was formed by 
the convention which assembled for that purpose at Wyan- 
dotte on July 29, 1859, having been duly ratified by the 
people of said State. The Bill became a law, January 29, 
1861. 

POPULATION 



1860 


107,206 


1870 


364,399 


1880 


996,096 


1890 


1,423,485 


1900 


1,444,708 


1910 


1,690,949 



This shows to some extent, the political battle that was 
fought to a finish by the Free-State and the Proslavery men 
in Congress over the admission of Kansas into the Union. 
For six years the Proslavery advocates blustered and fili- 
bustered, shrieked, howled, and hurled threats of secession in 
double doses at the Free-State men. For six years the Free- 
State men moved forward with a steady step, until their ad- 
versaries withdrew, and Kansas was admitted as a Free 
State. 

MEMBERS OF KANSAS STATE GOVERNMENT, 1861 

EXECUTIVE 

Charles Robinson, Governor. 

J. P. Root, Lieutenant-Governor. 

John W. Robinson, Secretary of State. 

Wm. Tholen, Treasurer of State. 

Geo. S. Hillyer, Auditor of State. 

Wm. R. GrijBSth, Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

Benjamin F. Simpson, Attorney-General. 

JUDICIAL 

Thomas Ewing, Jr., Chief Justice. 
Samuel A. Kingman, Associate Justice. 
Lawrence D. Bailey, Associate Justice. 



386 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



CONGRESSMAN 

Martin F. Conway, Member of Congress. 



LEGISLATIVE MEMBERS AND OFFICERS OF THE SENATE 



NAME 

J. P. Root, President 
E. P. Bancroft 
J. F. Broadhead 
J. C. Burnett . 
J. Connell 
H. B. Denman . 
H. R. Dutton . 
P. P. Elder . 
H. W. Farnsworth 
G. B. Gunn . 
S. E. Hoffman . 
S. D. Houston . 
J. M. Hubbard. 
S. Lappin 
J. Lockhart 

E. Lynde . 
J. A. Martin . 
J. H. McDowell 
Josiah Miller . 
R. Morrow 
T. A. Osborn . 
J. A. Phillips . 
H. N. Seaver . 
H. S. Sleeper . 
"W. Spriggs , 
J. J. Ingalls, Secretary 
J. Stotler, Assistant Secretary 
J. R. Lambdin, Journal Clerk 
D. Wilson, Docket Clerk . 
A. W. Pickering, Engrossing Clerk 
T. S. Wright, Sergeant-at-Arms 
H. M. Robinson, Doorkeeper . 

F. R. Davis, Messenger . 



COUNTY 

Wyandotte 

Breckinridge (Lyon) 

Linn 

Bourbon 

Leavenworth 

Leavenworth 

Brown 

Franklin 

Shawnee 

Wyandotte 

Woodson 

Riley 

Wabaunsee 

Nemaha 

Johnson 

Jefferson 

Atchison 

Leavenworth 

Douglas 

Douglas 

Doniphan 

Lykins, (Miami) 

Doniphan 

Breckinridge (Lyon) 

Anderson 

Atchison 

Breckinridge (Lyon) 

Butler 

Riley 

Woodson 

Nemaha 

Brown 

Douglas 



iPPENDIX 



387 



MEMBERS AND OFFICERS OF THE HOUSE 



NAME 

W. W. Updegraff, Speaker 

W. F. M. Amy 

J. B. Abbott . 

P. M. Alexander 

A. Allen . 

D. C. Auld 

D. E. Ballard 

0. Barber 
J. C. Bartlett 
J. J. Bentz 
W. D. Blackford 

F. N. Blake . 
N. B. Blanton 
W. E. Bowker 

E. J. Brown 
H. Buckmaster 
T. Butcher 
J. M. Calvert 
S. R. Caniff 
A. J. Chipman 
R. W. Cloud 

G. A. Colton 
J. E. Corliss 
J. D. Crafton 
S. J. Crawford 
H. W. Curtiss 
G. A. Cutler 
W. R. Davis 
A. Ellis . 

1. E. Eaton 
A. Elliott 

F. W. Emery 
W. P. Gambell 
W. H. Grimes 
A. Gray . 
A. K. Hawkes 
J. E. Hayes 
H. H. Heberling 
T. P. Herrick 
E. Hoheneck 



COUNTY 

Lykins (Miami) 

Anderson 

Douglas 

Douglas 

Wabaunsee 

Marshall 

Washington 

Douglas 

Shawnee 

Leavenworth 

Douglas 

Davis (Geary) 

Allen 

Shawnee 

Coffey 

Jefferson 

Atchison 

Leavenworth 

Osage 

Morris 

Breckinridge (Lyon) 

Lykins (Miami) 

Johnson 

Leavenworth 

Anderson 

Shawnee 

Coffey 

Douglas 

Lykins (Miami) 

Leavenworth 

Atchison 

Doniphan 

Leavenworth 

Atchison 

Wyandotte 

Breckinridge (Lyon) 

Johnson 

Osage 

Doniphan 

Wabaunsee 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



N. Humber 

J. H. Jones . 

W. C. Kimber . 

C. B. Keith . 

H. Knowles 

J. Kunkel 

W. W. H. Lawrence 

J. F. Legate . 

E. P. Lewis . 

E. J. Lines , 

A. Low . 

J. McGrew 

S. B. Mahurin . 

J. A. Marcell . 

J. E. Moore 

P. G. D. Morton 

A. U. Mussey . 

J. T. Neal . 

T. Pierce . 

J. S. Rackliff . 

A. Ray . 

G. H. Rees . 

W. R. Saunders 

J. W. Scott . 

0. H. Sheldon 

J. H. Smith . 

L. T. Smith . 

W. H. Smyth 

C. Stams 

A. Stark 
J. W. Stewart 
E. D. Thompson 

B. Wheat 
R. P. C. Wilson 
L. Woodard . 

D. B. Emmert, Chief Clerk . 

A. R. Banks, Ass't. Chief Clerk 
Arthur Gunther, Journal Clerk 
J. K. Rankin, Ass't. Journal Clk. 
T. Hopkins, Docket Clerk . 

D. M. Adams, Engrossing Clerk 

B. P. Noteman, Enrolling Clerk 



Leavenworth 

Linn 

Doniphan 

Atchison 

Bourbon 

Douglas 

Franklin 

Johnson 

Atchison 

Wabaunsee 

Doniphan 

Wyandotte 

Bourbon 

Franklin 

Shawnee 

Butler 

Pottawatomie 

Bourbon 

Riley 

Platte (Godfrey) 

Jackson 

Breckinridge (Lyon'^ 

Coffey 

Allen 

Osage 

Brown 

Leavenworth 

Riley 

Leavenworth 

Linn 

Douglas 

Douglas 

Coffey 

Leavenworth 

Douglas 

Shawnee 

Franklin 

Douglas 

Douglas 

Lykins (Miami) 

Wabaunsee 

Johnson 



APPENDIX 



889 



C. Clarkson, Sergeant-at-Arms 
F. House, Ass't. S 'gt.-at-Arms 
"W. V. Barr, Doorkeeper 
C. T. K. Prentice, Messenger 
A. L. Bartlett, Messenger . 



Leavenworth 

Wyandotte 

Doniphan 

Douglas 

Shawnee 



EOSTER OF REGIMENTAL OFFICERS, SECOND KAN- 
SAS INFANTRY, MAY, 1861 



COMPANY A 



Leonard W. Horn 
Thomas Fulton . 
Luther H. Wentworth 
James C. French 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Third Lieutenant 



Jas. R. McClure . 
Anson R. Spinner 
Jas. P. Downer . 
Edward C. D. Lines 



COMPANY B 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Third Lieutenant 



Simon F. Hill . 
Jas. W. Parmeter 
"Warren Kimball 
John K. Rankin . 



COMPANY c 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Third Lieutenant 



Joseph Craeklin . 
Thos. J. Sternbergh 
Lucius J. Shaw 
Edward D. Thompson 



COMPAJTT D 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Third Lieutenant 



Samuel J. Crawford 
John G. Lindsay . 
A. R. Morton 
S.K.Cross . 



COMPANY E 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Third Lieutenant 



890 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



coMPAisnr p 

Byron P. Ayers . . . .- . Captain 

E. Bunn First Lieutenant 

B. B. Mitchell Second Lieutenant 

D. R. Coleman Third Lieutenant 

COMPANY G 

Avra P. Russell Captain 

Chas. P. Wiggins First Lieutenant 

J. A. Graham Second Lieutenant 

Robt. Newell Third Lieutenant 

COMPANY H 

A. J. Mitchell Captain 

Chas. S. Hills First Lieutenant 

J. A, Fuller Second Lieutenant 

W. T. Galliher Third Lieutenant 

COMPANY I 

S. N. Wood Captain 

Chas. Dimon First Lieutenant 

E. G. Pierce Second Lieutenant 

COMPANY K 

Wm. Tholen Captain 

Gustavus Schreyer .... First Lieutenant 

Ferdinand Jaedicke .... Second Lieutenant 

Jas. C. Bunch ..... Third Lieutenant 



REGIMENTAL OFFICERS SECOND KANSAS CAVALRY 
MARCH, 1862 



William F. Cloud 
Owen A. Bassett 
Chas. W. Blair . 
Julius G. Fisk , 
John Pratt 
Cyrus L. Gorden 
Joseph P. Root . 
J. W. Robinson . 
Charles Reynolds 



Colonel 
Lieut-Colonel 
First Major 
Second Major 
Adjutant 
Quartermaster 
Surgeon 
Ass't. Surgeon 
Chaplain 



APPENDIX 



391 



Samuel J. Crawford . 
John Johnston 
Samuel K. Cross . 

Henry Hopkins . 
John F. Auddell . 
Oscar F. Dunlap 

Daniel S. Whittenhall 
Edward C. D. Lines 
William M. Hook 

Amazial Moore . 
Horace L. Moore 
George W. Stabler 

John Gardner 
Elias S. Stover . 
A. T. Lovelette . 

Huge Cameron . 
James C. French 
John A. Lee 

Austin W. Matthews 
Patrick Cosgrove 
G. M. Waugh . 

Arthur Gunther , 
David E. Ballard 
John K. Rankin . 

Byron P. Ayers . 
Robert H. Hunt . 
Charles Dimon . 

Avra P. Russell . 
John M. Mentzer 
Barnett B. Mitchell 



COMPANY A 



COMPANY B 



COMPANY C 



COMPANY D 



COMPANY E 



COMPANY P 



COMPANY G 



COMPANY H 



COMPANY I 



COMPANY K 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 



392 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



ROSTER OF REGIMENTAL OFFICERS SECOND 
KANSAS COLORED INFANTRY 

[afterward designated the eighty-third u. s. colored 
troops) 



Samuel J. Crawford . 
Horatio Knowles 
James H. Gillpatriek . 
James H. Gillpatriek . 
Jerome A. Soward . 
John R. Montgomery . 
William D. Clark . 
Edwin Stokes . 
George E. Hutchinson 
Reuben F. Playford . 
George W. "Wolgamott 
D. A. Morse 
Francis P. Thomas . 
Jesse D. Wood . 
Josiah B. McAfee 

Samuel Sanders . 
Charles Scofield . 
Ralph E. Cook . 
John R. F. ShuU 
Jesse Buckman . 
Charles Scofield . 

Richard J. Hinton 
John M. Cain 
James M. Trant . 
Joshua J. Locker 
James M. Trant . 
Joshua J. Locker 

James A. Soward 
Marcus F. Gillpatriek 
John E. Hayes . 
George E. Hutchinson 
Thomas Adair 
Thomas Adair 



company a 



COMPANY B 



COMPANY C 



Colonel 

Lieut.-Colonel 

Lieut. -Colonel 

Major 

Major 

Adjutant 

Adjutant 

Quartermaster 

Quartermaster 

Quartermaster 

Surgeon 

Surgeon 

Ass't. Surgeon 

Ass't. Surgeon 

Chaplain 

Captain 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

First Lieutenant 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 
First Lieutenant 
First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

First Lieutenant 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 



APPENDIX 



393 



COMPANY D 



Frank Kister 
Keuben F. Playford . 
George E. Hutchinson. 
William M, Mercer 
Benjamin B. B. Reppert 



COMPANY E 



George W. Sands 
John R. Montgomery 
Henry DeVilliers 
Irenaeus C. Myers 
William J. Brown 
Henry F. Best . 

James Adams 
Samuel Kaisennan 
Isaiah Nichols 
Isaiah Nichols 



Ebenezer H. Curtiss . 
John M. Cain 
David E. Westervelt . 
Henry F. Best . 
George E. Hutchinson 

Alexander Rush . 
Orlando S. Bartlett . 
Orlando S. Bartlett . 
William M. Mercer 
Daniel K. Harden 

James L. Rafety 
Marcus F. Gillpatrick 
Harry C. Chase . 
Harry C. Chase . 
Irenaeus C. Myers 

John Branson 
William G. White 
Jesse Buckman . 



COMPANY P 



COMPANY G 



COMPANY H 



COMPANY I 



COMPANY K 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 
First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 
First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 
First Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 
Second Lieutenant 

Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 



394 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



MEMBERS KANSAS STATE LEGISLATURE, 1865 

STATE SENATE 



James MeGrew, President 

Bartlett, H. W. K. 

Barber, Oliver 

Colton, Gustavus A. 

Danford, A. 

Drenning, Frank H. 

Eskridge, Chas. V. 

Foote, Henry 

Gambell, W. P. 

Grover, 0. J. 

Houston, D. W. 

Home, Daniel H. 

Jones, J. H. 

Legate, Jas. F, 

Lane, J. T. . 

Manning, E. C. 

Milhoan, T. E. 

Murphy, Thomas 

Potter, F. W. 

Quigg, Matthew 

Spear, S. 

Speer, John 

Smith, A. H. 

Twiss, Charles P. 

Weer, William 

A. Smith Devenney, Secretary 

W. S. Newberry, Ass't. See. 

M. M. Murdock, Docket Clerk 

Ira H. Smith, Journal Clerk 

L. M. Benedict, Engros. Clerk 

W. B. Bowman, Enrol'g Clerk 

T. Mills, Sergeant-at-Arms . 

Wm. Thompson, Doorkeeper 

Wm. Young, Ass't. Doorkeeper 

Clarence Walrod, Page 

Charles Home, Page . 



"Wyandotte 

Junction City 

Kanwaka 

Paola 

Fort Scott 

Elwood 

Emporia 

Leavenworth 

Leavenworth 

Neuchatel 

Garnett 

Topeka 

Kaw City 

Leavenworth 

Iowa Point 

Marysville 

Olathe 

Atchison 

Burlington 

Atchison 

Hiawatha 

Lawrence 

Blooming Grove 

lola 

Wyandotte 

Olathe 

lola 

Burlingame 

Topeka 

Vienna 

Wyandotte 

Topeka 

Topeka 

Topeka 

Paola 

Topeka 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Jacob Stotler, Speaker . . . Emporia 
Abraham, R. H Emporia 



APPENDIX 



395 



Atwood, Samuel F. 
Benton, Milton R. 
Broadhead, J. F. 
Browne, O. H. . 
Callen, A. W. . 
Campbell, D. G. . 
Campbell, D. L. . 
Cavender, Henderson 
Christy, J. A. 
Church, R. . 
Cleavenger, L. D. 
Coffinberry, C. C. 
Cook, Hugh A. . 
Craig, Warner . 
Darby, Rufus 
Detrick, D. . 
Dille, C. L. . 
Draper, William . 
Dutton, M. R. . 
Fairehild, G. H. 
Finn, Daniel C. . 
Foster, R. C. 
Fletcher, James . 
Glick, Charles 
Click, G. W. 
Goss, William . 
Griswold, Nelson . 
Hanway, James . 
Harvey, James M. 
Hendrick, A. B. . 
Hodgson, J. . 
Houts, W. L. 
Hughes, N. B. . 
Jordan, Michael . 
Karr, William 
Kennedy, J. R. . 
Kennedy, Lawrence 
Kohler, C. . 
Leland, Cyrus, Jr. 
Leonard, M. R. , 
Loomis, A. J. 
Low, A. 



Leavenworth 

Atchison 

Mound City 

Ridgeway 

Junction City 

Shawnee 

Mapleton 

Garnett 

Tola 

Westmoreland 

Fort Scott 

Lincoln 

Minneola 

Black Jack 

Washington 

Highland 

Lanesfield 

Clinton 

Oskaloosa 

Atchison 

Syracuse 

Leavenworth 

Tecumseh 

Wyandotte 

Atchison 

Blooming Grove 

Turkey Creek 

Lane 

Fort Riley 

Rising Sun 

Paris 

Paola 

Salina 

Leavenworth 

New Lancaster 

Lawrence 

Pleasant Bridge 

Junction City 

Troy 

Bazaar 

Twin Springs 

Doniphan 



396 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



Macdonald, S. D. 

Martindale, Wm. 

McClellan, J. 

Mead, James R. 

Moody, Joel . 

Morrow, William 

O'Brien, T. M. 

O'Gwartney, Thos 

Page, F. R. . 

Payne, D. L. 

Perry, W. B. 

Rawlings, N. P. 

Riddle, Robert 

Rice, H. 

Rogers, H< D. 

Russell, Ed. . 

Sammons, I. D. 

Salisbury, J. P. 

Scudder, E. S. 

Shepherd, H. D. 

Smith, Henry 

Snyder, S. J. H. 

Stafford, E. . 

Spencer, J. . 

Stewart, Watson 

Storch, George 

Stratton, C. H. 

Strong, N. Z. 

Sutherland, D. H 

Swift, Frank B 

Throckmorton, Job 

Wells, John D. 

West, A. G. . 

D. B. Emmert, Chief Clerk 

Freeman Bell, Ass't. Clerk . 

C. S. Lambdin, Journal Clerk 
John MacReynolds, Docket Clerk 

D. F. Drinkwater, Engrossing Clerk 
John T. Cox, Enrolling Clerk . 

J. E. Follansbee, Ass't. Journal Clerk 
J. D. Farren, Sergeant-at-Arms . 
Thos. Archer, Ass't. Sergeant-at-Arms 



Topeka 

Madison 

Holton 

Towanda 

Belmont 

Lecompton 

Leavenworth 

Easton 

Neosho Rapids 

Columbus 

LeRoy 

Robinson 

Grasshopper Falls 

Osawatomie 

Humboldt 

Elwood 

Albany 

Leavenworth 

Willow Springs 

Wilmington 

Leavenworth 

Monrovia 

Springdale 

Council Grove 

Humboldt 

Kennekuk 

DeSoto 

Fort Scott 

New Eureka 

Lawrence 

Burlington 

Barrett 

Ozark 

Fort Scott 

Topeka 

Plymouth 

Paola 

Cedar Point 

Ottumwa 

Topeka 

Lawrence 

Topeka 



APPENDIX 



897 



M. B. Crawford, Doorkeeper 
C. T. K. Prentice, Ass't Doorkeeper 
William Miller, Page . 
Albert L. Bartlett, Page . 
Wm. R. Griffith, Page . 



Topeka 
McKinney 's 
Ridgeway 
Neosho Rapid 
Topeka 



MEMBERS KANSAS STATE LEGISLATURE, 1866 



THE SENATE 

James McGrew, President 

Akin, Eugene L. . 

Anderson, David 

Bartlett, W. K. 

Barber, Oliver 

Drenning, F. H. 

Emmert, D. B. 

Eskridge, C. V. 

Foote, Henry 

Gambell, W. P. 

Grover, O. J. 

Houston, D. W. 

Home, D. H. 

Jones, J. H, 

Legate, J. F. 

Manning, E. C. 

Miller, Sol . 

Milhoan, T. E. 

Wheeler, Joshua 

Potter, F. W. 

Quigg, M. . 

Riggs, Reuben 

Spear, S. 

Smith, A. H. 

Twiss, Charles 

Weer, William 

A. R. Banks, Secretary 

A. Hitchcock, Assistant Secretary 

W. F. Goble, Docket Clerk . 

Ira H. Smith, Journal Clerk 

L. M. Benedict, Engrossing Clerk 



Wyandotte 

Lawrence 

Paola 

Junction City 

Kanwaka 

Wathena 

Fort Scott 

Emporia 

Leavenworth 

Leavenworth 

America City 

Garnett 

Topeka 

Kaw City 

Leavenworth 

Marysville 

White Cloud 

Olathe 

Pardee 

Burlington 

Atchison 

Marion Center 

Hiawatha 

Blooming Grove 

lola 

Wyandotte 

Lawrence 

Lawrence 

Pleasant Ridge 

Topeka 

Vienna 



398 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



W. B. Bowman, Enrolling Clerk 




Wyandotte 


T. Mills, Sergeant-at-Arms 


Topeka 


Wm. Thompson, Doorkeeper 


Topeka 


G. Y. Arnold, Ass't. Doorkeeper 


Topeka 


Clarence Walrod, Page 


Paola 


J. T. Miller, Page . 


Topeka 


HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 


John T. Burris, Speaker . . . Olathe 


Allen, W. N. . 






Oskaloosa 


Arthur, J. M. 










Centreville 


Bauserman, J. P. 










Leavenworth 


Blair, C. W. 










Fort Scott 


Bradford, J. H. 










Council Grove 


Brice, S. M. . 










Mound City 


Bond, Joseph 










Humboldt 


Bonebrake, J. H. 










Lecompton 


Cain, W. S. . 










Atchison 


Callen, A. W. 










Junction City 


Carlton, Milo 










Pardee 


Cavender, H. 










Garnett 


Craig, Warner 










Baldwin City 


Cochrane, Charles 










Ottumwa 


Coffin, A. M. 










Le Roy 


Drake, C. . 










Americus 


Dow, Isaac W. 










Neosho Falls 


Fletcher, James 










Tecumseh 


Foster, R. C. 










Leavenworth 


Fox, Charles E. 










Highland 


Graham, George 










Seneca 


Green, W. H. 










Fort Lincoln 


Glick, G. W. 










Atchison 


Griswold, Nelson 










Turkey Creek 


Gross, James R. 










America City 


Harmon, 0. D. 










Twin Springs 


Harrington, N. 










Palermo 


Harvey, J. M. 










Fort Riley 


Hollenberg, G. H 










Marysville 


Holliday, C. K. 










Topeka 


Humber, N. . 










Easton 


Jackson, W. 










Atchison 


Jennison, C. R. 










Leavenworth 



APPENDIX 



399 



Johnson, A. S. 
Kellogg, Josiah . 
Kelly, James H. . 
Knight, Jonathan 
Kohler, C. . 
Kunkel, Jerome . 
Lacock, Ira J. 
Martindale, Wm. , 
Massey, R. W. 
Montgomery, R. H. 
Mix, F. E. . 
Moore, A. A. 
McAuley, A. 
McCabe, David L. 
McLellan, James . 
Nash, Lyman 
O'Brien, T. M. . 
Parker, C. E. 
Pearman, H. 
Pennock, Wm. 
Preston, H. D. . 
Phillips, Wm. A. 
Power, F. M. 
Quinn, J. C. 
Rankin, Jno. K, . 
Rees, J. G. . 
Rogers, D. . 
Rue, G. C. . 
Sanford, Eph. H. 
Stabler, Geo. W. . 
Shepard, H. D. . 
Stewart, J. W. . 
Smith, James 
Smith, H. P. 
Smith, Geo. W. . 
Smith, H. B. 
Stotler, Jacob 
Underbill, S. 
Van Gaasbeek, Geo. 
Walker, Isaiah . 
Wellhouse, F. 
Wilson, Joseph S. 



Shawnee 

Leavenworth 

Willow Springs 

Tonganoxie 

Junction City 

Rising Sun 

Hiawatha 

Madison 

Paola 

Columbus 

Atchison 

Marion Center 

Leavenworth 

Eldorado 

Holton 

Wathena 

Leavenworth 

Carson 

Belmont 

Minneola 

Burlingame 

Salina 

lola 

Mound City 

Lawrence 

Mount Gilead 

Humboldt 

Gardner 

Allen 

Huron 

Wilmington 

Garnett 

Barrett 

Rock Creek 

Lawrence 

Osawatoraie 

Emporia 

Osawatomie 

Grasshopper Falls 

Wyandotte 

Pleasant Ridge 

Mapleton 



400 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



Wood, S. N 

Woodard, Levi .... 
John T. Morton, Chief Clerk . 
John E. Thorpe, Ass't Clerk . 
Wm. R. Brown, Journal Clerk . 
J. A. Soward, Docket Clerk 
Dwight G. Hull, Engrossing Cl'k 
W. H. Cowan, Enrolling Clerk . 
Thos. Archer, Sergeant-at-Arms. 
L. "W. Graham, Ass't. Serg.-at-Arms 
G. Pharaoh, Doorkeeper 
C. T. K. Prentice, Ass 't. Doorkeeper 
Wm. R. Griffith, Page 
Wm. Miller, Page 
Francis J. Rice, Page 



Cottonwood Falls 

Eudora 

Topeka 

lola 

Lawrence 

Wyandotte 

Atchison 

Topeka 

Topeka 

Elmendaro 

Lawrence 

Lawrence 

Topeka 

Ridgeway 

Topeka 



MEMBERS KANSAS STATE GOVERNMENT, 

1867 

STATE OFFICERS 

Samuel J. Crawford, Governor. 

N. Green, Lieutenant-Governor. 

R. A. Barker, Sec. of State. 

J. R. Swallow, Auditor. 

M. Anderson, Treasurer. 

P. Mac Vicar, Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

G. H. Hoyt, Attorney General. 



JUDGES OF THE SUPREME COURT 



S. A. Kingman 
J. Safford . 
L. D. Bailey . 



Chief Justice 
Associate Justice 
Associate Justice 



JUDGES OF DISTRICT COURTS 



D. F. Brewer. 

R. St. Clair Graham 

C. K. Gilchrist . 

D. M. Valentine 
J. H. Watson 



Sixth District 
First District 
Second District 
Third District 
Fourth District 



APPENDIX 



401 



D. P. Lowe . 
William Spriggs 
James Humphrey 
S. N. Wood . 



Fifth District 
Seventh District 
Eighth District 
Ninth District 



THE SENATE 

N. Green, President 

Abbott, James B. 

Blakely, William S 

Clark, N. C. 

Cooper, S. S. 

Dodge, William H 

Emmert, D. B. 

Fisher, J. K. 

Foster, R. C. 

Graham, George 

Green, L. F. 

Haas, H. C. 

Harvey, James M 

Low, A. 

McFarland, P. 

Maxson, P. B. 

Price, J. M. 

Rogers, James 

Riggs, Samuel A 

Scott, J. W. 

Sharp, L B. 

Simpson, B. F. 

Underbill, D. 

Veale, G. W. 

Wiley, A. . 

Wood, S. N. 

A. R. Banks, Secretary 

Jos. Specks, Ass't Secretary 

M. R. Dutton, Journal Clerk 

W. F. Goble, Docket Clerk . 

A. J. Simpson, Engrossing Clerk 

Geo. B. Holmes, Enrolling Clerk 

D. L. Payne, Sergeant-at-Arms 

J. Drew, Ass 't Serg 't-at- Arras 

Geo. W. Weed, Doorkeeper, 



Manhattan 

DeSoto 

Chapman Creek 

Wathena 

Oskaloosa 

Holton 

Fort Scott 

Huron 

Leavenworth 

Seneca 

Baldwin City 

Leavenworth 

Fort Riley 

Doniphan 

Leavenworth 

Emporia 

Atchison 

Burlingame 

Lawrence 

lola 

Wyandotte 

Paola 

Jackson 

Topeka 

Ottawa 

Cottonwood Falls 

Lawrence 

Wyandotte 

Grantville 

Pleasant Ridge 

Carlyle 

Topeka 

Troy 

Burlingame 

Pardee 



402 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



G. Pharaoh, Ass 't Doorkeeper 
Clarence Walrod, Page 
Wm. R. Griffin, Page . 
Wm. H. Fletcher, Page 



Louisville 
Paola 
Topeka 
Topeka 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



P. B. Plumb, Speaker 
Allen, Harvey 
Barker, Thomas J. 
Booth, Henry 
Bowman, George W. 
Bowman, William 
Brandley, Harry 
Bryant, Peter 
Butts, W. C. 
Bent, C. H. . 
Clark, T. H. 
Cloyes, M. J. 
Collins, T. R. 
Columbia, Charles 
Conner, J. D. 
Crocker, Allen 
Draper, William 
Dugan, John 
Estep, Enoch 
Evans, B. D. 
Faulkner, J. K. 
Finn, D. C. 
Flickinger, R. 
Gates, Lorenzo 
Goodin, Joel K. 
Goodin, J. R. 
Gregory, H. J. 
Hamby, William N. 
Hannon, J. 
Hannum, J. 
Harmon, 0. D. 
Harper, G. R. 
Hindman, S. 
Hollenberg, G. H. 



Emporia 

Leavenworth 

Wyandotte 

Manhattan 

Atchison 

Atchison 

Bazaar 

Banner 

Grasshopper Falls 

Oswego 

Big Springs 

Lancaster 

Albany 

Council Grove 

Eldorado 

Burlington 

Clinton 

Leavenworth 

Paris 

Elwood 

Stranger 

Pleasant View 

Geary City 

Gatesville 

Baldwin City 

Humboldt 

Belmont 

Garnett 

Leavenworth 

America City 

Twin Springs 

Neosho Rapids 

Willow Springs 

Marysville 



APPENDIX 



403 



Huflfman, William 
Jaquith, J. D. 
Jenkins, E. J. 
Jenkins, R. W. 
Jewitt, J. W. 
Johnson, A. . 
Johnson, F. M. 
Kendall, J. A. 
Kennedy, L. 
Kennedy, T. H. 
Kibbe, William E 
Killen, Daniel 
Knight, Jonathan 
Lane, J. S. . 
Luce, J. M. . 
Lecompte, S. D. 
Lindsay, Thomas 
Loomis, H. J. 
Lyon, M. B. 
Manlove, S. A. 
May, William J. 
Mcintosh, W. A. 
Miller, Josiah 
Mobley, R. D. 
Moore, A. A. 
Oliver, J. B. 
Palmer, S. E. A. 
Parker, C. E. 
Parker, W. R. 
Power, F. M. 
Przybylowicz, M. 
Robb, George H. 
Rogers, D. . 
Rupe, J. B. . 
Sheldon, H. C. 
Spencer, James M 
Spillman, A. C. 
Sponable, J. W. 
Stover, E. S. 
Thompson, C. H. 
Thompson, G. W, 



New Lancaster 

Americus 

Troy 

Vienna 

Coyville 

Shawnee 

Winchester 

Squiresville 

Pleasant Ridge 

Lawrence 

Ohio City 

Wyandotte 

Tonganoxie 

Blooming Grove 

Centropolis 

Leavenworth 

Garnett 

Mission Creek 

Montcello 

Fort Scott 

Monrovia 

Barnesville 

Lawrence 

Salina 

Marion Centre 

Rossville 

Auburn 

Carson 

Iowa Point 

Carlyle 

Leavenworth 

Troy 

Rogers Mill 

Elk Creek 

Burlingame 

Topeka 

Salina 

Gardner 

Junction City 

Abilene 

Atchison 



404 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



Throckmorton, Job. 

Travis, W. F. 

Tucker, Edwin 

Turner, Joshua 

Updegraff, W. W. 

Venard, A, 

Way, James P. 

Weils, J. D. 

Willis, M. C. 

Wilson, J. S. 

John T. Morton, Chief Clerk 

J. H, Prescott, Ass't Clerk . 

Wm. K. Brown, Journal Clerk 

G. D. Stinebaugh, Enrolling Clerk 

Asa Hairgrove, Engrossing Clerk 

D. B. Jackman, Docket Clerk 

J. A. Hunter, Sergeant-at-Arms 

M. B. Crawford, Ass't Ser.-at-Arms 

J. M Adair, Doorkeeper 

M. R. Moore, Ass't Doorkeeper 

Frank Rice, Page 

Charlie Painter, Page . 

Willie Miller, Page . . 

C. N. Norton, Page 



Burlington 

Marmaton 

Eureka 

Easton 

Osawatomie 

Osa^kee 

Mound City 

Barrett's P. O. 

Kennekuk 

Mapleton 

Topeka 

Salina 

Emporia 

Ohio City 

Topeka 

Fort Lincoln 

Topeka 

Topeka 

Burlington 

Topeka 

Topeka 

Emporia 

Ridgeway 

Topeka. 



ROSTER OF OFFICERS EIGHTEENTH KANSAS CAV- 
ALRY, JULY 15, 1867 

MAJOR 

Horace L. Moore, Lawrence 



COMPANY A 



Henry C. Lindsay, Topeka 
Thomas Hughes, Lawrence 
John H. Wellman, Topeka 



COMPANY B 



Edgar A. Barker, Junction City . 
John W. Price, Fort Harker 
Samuel L. Hybarger, Fort Harker 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 



APPENDIX 



405 



COMPANY C 



George B. Jenness, Ottawa 
Peleg Thomas, Wyandotte , 
James Reynolds, Garnett . 



COMPANY D 



David L. Payne, Doniphan 
John M. Cain, Atchison . 
Henry Hegwer, Marion 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 



Captain 

First Lieutenant 

Second Lieutenant 



MEMBERS KANSAS STATE LEGISLATURE, 1868 



THE SENATE 



N. Green, President 

Abbott, James B. 

Blakely, William S. 

Clark, N. C. 

Cooper, S. S. 

Dodge, William 

Elder, P. P. 

Foster, R. C. 

Graham, George 

Green, L. F. 

Haas, H. C. 

Harvey, James M. 

Hippie, Samuel 

Learnard, 0. E. 

Low, A. 

Matheny, W. M. 

Maxon, P. B. 

McFarland, P. 

Moore, A. A. 

Price, John M. 

Rogers, James 

Scott, J. W. 

Sharp, Isaac B. 

Simpson, B. F. 

Underbill, D. 

Veale, G. W. 

E. C. Manning, Secretary 



Manhattan 

DeSoto 

Junction City 

Columbus 

Oskaloosa 

Holton 

Ottawa 

Leavenworth 

Seneca 

Baldwin City 

Leavenworth 

Fort Riley 

Monrovia 

Lawrence 

Doniphan 

Baxter Springs 

Emporia 

Leavenworth 

Marion Centre 

Atchison 

Burlingame 

lola 

Wyandotte City 

Paola 

Jackson 

Topeka 

Manhattan 



4oe 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



Jos. Speck, Ass't. Secretary 


, , 


Wyandotte 


M. R. Button, Journal Clerk 


Grantville 


J. H. Titsworth, Docket Clerk . 


Pardee 


A. J. Simpson, Engrossing Clerk 


Carlyle 


Geo. B. Bolmes, Enrolling Clerk . 


Topeka 


M. W. Reynolds, Official Reporter 


Lawrence 


D. L. Payne, Sergt-at-Arms 


Troy 


J. Drew, Ass't. Sergt-at-Arms . 


Burlingame 


Geo. W. Weed, Doorkeeper 


Parde 


G. Pharaoh, Ass't. Doorkeeper . 


Louisville 


Clarence J. Walrod, Page . 


Paola 


William R. Griffith, Page . 


Topeka 


Wm. H. Fletcher, Page 


Erie 


HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES 


Geo. W. Smith, Speaker • s 


Lawrence 


Andrews, A. J. . 




Neosho Rapids 


Armstrong, Robert 






Perry 


Bierer, Everard . 






Hiawatha 


Blackburn, Henry 






Linnville 


Blanton, N. B. . 






Humboldt 


Bruner, J. B. . 






Gardner 


Butler, T. H. . 






Erie 


Butts, W. C. 






Grasshopper F 


Byram, A, 






Atchison 


Campbell, D. G 






Shawnee 


Cooley, James 






Mt. Pleasant 


Donaldson, 






Chelsea 


Downs, John 






Albany 


Drinkwater, 0. H. 






Cedar Point 


Duncan, Charles C. 






Ellsworth 


Edmundson, Lewis 






lola 


Fay P. 






New Albany 


Finney, D. W. . 






Neosho Falls 


Fletcher, James 






Tecumseh 


Foster, James N. 






Peoria City 


Fuller, C. 0. 






Marion Centre 


Gambell, W. P. 






Leavenworth 


Garrett, J. W. . 






Potosi 


Glick, G. W. 






Atchison 


Goodin, Joel K. 






Baldwin City 


Gossett, J. W. . 






Paola 



Falls 



APPENDIX 



407 



Grover, Joel 
Guthrie, John 
Hagaman, James M. 
Hamby, W. N. . 
Hamilton, John 
Hastings, W, H. 
Headley, T. G. . 
Hewitt, Richard 
Hinton, William 
Hodgins, I. 
Hollingsworth, S. 
Huffman, William. 
Hulett, E. M. . 
Ingraham, Nathan D 
Jaquith, J. D. . 
Jenkins, E. J. . 
Jenkins, R. W. . 
Jennison, C. R. . 
Johnston, D. M. 
Johnston, W. S. 
Johnson, W. S. . 
Kelley, Harrison 
Lamb, William . 
Lane, Vincent J. 
Lecompte, Samuel D. 
Locke, D. W. C. 
Millard, Ed. F, 
Miller, G. W. . 
Mitchell, William 
Mobley, R. D. . 
Moore, J. B. 
Moore, H. C. 
Moore, H. Miles 
Patrick, A. G. . 
Philbrick, J. L. 
Plumb, P. B. . 
Ristine, M. H. 
Robinson, J. P. . 
Rockefeller, Philip 
Ryan, Matthew . 
Sears, Charles 
Sharp, Isaac 



Lawrence 

Topeka 

Elk Creek 

Garnett 

Hamilton 

Pleasant Ridge 

Garnett 

Wyandotte 

Fort Lincoln 

Centralia 

Tonganoxie 

New Lancaster 

Fort Scott 

Baxter Springs 

Americus 

Troy 

Vienna 

Leavenworth 

Manhattan 

Oskaloosa 

Lancaster 

Ottumwa 

Detroit 

Wyandotte 

Leavenworth 

Holton 

Salina 

South Cedar 

Wabaunse<^ 

Minneapolis 

Fort Scott 

Troy 

Leavenworth 

Irving 

Doniphan 

Emporia 

Clay Center 

DeSoto 

Albany 

Leavenworth 

Eudora 

Council Grove 



408 



KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 



Smalley, B. F Xenia 

Smallwood, W. H Wathena 

Smith, A. A Twin Springs 

Smith, P. H Leroy 

Snoddy, James D Mound City 

Snyder, S. F Washington 

Stewart, J. R Burlingame 

Thompson, G. W Atchison 

Tucker, Edwin Eureka 

Tucker, Horace Sigel 

Vandersliee, Thos. J Highland 

Wallace, James L Leavenworth 

Watkins, W. C. .... Oswego 

Webb, W. E Hays City 

Welsh, H.P Ottawa 

Williams, B. W. . . . . Monrovia 

Williams, H. H. .... Osawatomie 

Wright, John K Junction City 

Zinn, George W. .... Lecompton 

John T. Morton, Chief Clerk . . Topeka 

E. C. Kennedy, Ass't Clerk . . Leavenworth 

J. M. Mahan, Journal Clerk . . Junction City 

M. R. Moore, Docket Clerk . . Topeka 

Emma Hunt, Enrolling Clerk . . Emporia 

N. Merchant, Engrossing Clerk . . Peoria City 

H. C. Hollister, Reporter . . . Leavenworth 

H. H. Sawyer, Sergeant-at-Arms . Wyandotte 

M. B. Crawford, Ass 't. Sergt.-at-Arms Topeka 

Horace Gibbs, Doorkeeper . . Oskaloosa 

C. S. Norton, Ass 't. Doorkeeper . Topeka 

Frank J, Nice, Page .... Topeka 

Charles F, Painter, Page . . . Emporia 

Edwin S. Eldridge, Page . . . Lawrence 



APPENDIX 409 

ADDRESS OF HON. JOHN DAWSON ON THE LEGIS- 
LATURE OP 1868 

DELIVERED BEFORE THE KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 
DECEMBER 4, 1906 

*' There have been notable parliaments, conventions, con- 
gresses, and legislative assemblies in the history of every coun- 
try and of every State. There are occasional epoch-making 
events which call the representative men of a commonwealth 
together to devise methods and measures for the common 
good, and the net result of their deliberations makes history 
which is felt at home and abroad for generations afterward. 
Such an assembly was the first Olympiad of the Hellenes in 
776 B. C. Such was the result of the convention of the De- 
cemvirs who promulgated the twelve tables of laws for an- 
cient Rome. So, too, the Long Parliament of England, and 
the National Assembly of France — the harbinger of the 
French Revolution. Instances could well be multiplied in 
American history. 

" But it is only once or twice in a century that the occa- 
sion is presented where an assembly of lawmakers may estab- 
lish or decree a policy or code which accentuates history from 
the very day of its enactment. It is rather by laborious and 
dispassionate attention to the commonplace duties of civic 
life that the average lawmaking body leaves its impress upon 
the economic life of the State. It is an impress unnoticed at 
the time, but it is there nevertheless, and nets an approximate 
good or ill upon the common weal. 

' * In the American States, subject, as they are, to two sov- 
ereignties, opportunity for epoch-making legislation is less 
likely to arise in the State assemblies than in the national 
Legislature — the Federal authority taking over to itself, very 
properly, all matters of national concern. This, as Professor 
Bryce has noted, causes a deterioration in the intellectual 
fibre of the average State Legislature, as little elbow-room is 
afforded to give scope to the talents of men of the highest 
statesmanship. Accordingly, the Legislatures of the several 
States are commonly given over to men of second-rate intel- 
lectual vigor and of mediocre capacity. It is seldom that men 
of the highest talents of constructive statesmanship can be 
induced to serve their community in the State Legislature. 
Thus it happens that mediocrity is characteristic of the aver- 



410 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

age Legislature. And yet on that score it may be said that 
such an assembly is more truly representative of the people 
who elect them than a congress of collegians and professors 
of economics would be ; for it is not to be denied that medi- 
ocrity and commonplace are most truly typical of the people 
themselves. 

' ' Perhaps we can agree that the true worth of a legislative 
body will depend upon the painstaking and conscientious 
manner in which it deals with the matters at its hand, viewed 
from a sufficient distance of time ta measure and gauge its 
results, and when its deliberations have been welded by ad- 
ministration into the jurisprudence of the commonwealth. 
Judged by this standard the Legislature of the State of Kan- 
sas for the year 1868 is easily the greatest Legislature that 
ever assembled in this State, and, tried by the test of thirty- 
eight years' results, it is second only to the Wyandotte Con- 
stitutional Convention of 1859. 

' ' For campaign political expediency a very high — in fact 
an extravagant — place has been claimed for the Legislature 
of 1905, and we will all bear witness to the earnest spirit with 
which that body approached and grappled with its problems ; 
but it is too soon — the perspective is yet too close — to justly 
determine the lasting worth of its deliberations. If time and 
experience give the Legislature of 1905 a place of note among 
Kansas Legislatures, it is apt to be based upon what it at- 
tempted and failed to do as much as upon its constructive 
work. But this, too, is conjecture. Let a third of a century 
roll by, and let our children determine its value. 

*' And now to the Legislature of 1868. A careful examina- 
tion of the records of the time, the journals of the assembly, 
• the newspapers, the manuscripts, etc., fails to disclose the fact 
that the members of that Legislature considered themselves 
or their deliberative body in any way out of the ordinary. It 
is commonly a praiseworthy and conscientious mood in which 
a lawmaker forgathers with his fellows in the legislative as- 
sembly. Only after repeated jolts are his ideals shattered. 
The halo of the legislative hurdy-gurdy does not evaporate 
in a day. So far as can now be known, the Legislature of 
1868 was, in all outward respects, much like its predecessors 
and successors. There may have been more than the usual 
number of really big men of the State in that session of the 
Legislature — I suppose there were. George W. Glick was 



APPENDIX 411 

there, and was chairman of the judiciary committee of the 
House. It is worthy of remark that the honorable old sage, 
who had been known for the last decade or two as a patron 
and practioner of agriculture, had in earlier life a long and 
honorable career as a lawyer, and he was in the zenith of his 
career as an attorney when he served in the Legislature of 
1868. 

' * D. W. Finney was there ; John Guthrie was a member ; 
so were Harrison Kelley, Samuel D. Lecompte, H. Miles 
Moore, W. H. Smallwood, and James D. Snoddy, and others 
who have filled their niche and made an honorable name for 
themselves in Kansas. Over in the Senate were James M. 
Harvey, 0. E. Learnard, W. M. Matheney, John M. Price, B. 
F. Simpson, Geo. W. Veale, P. P. Elder, and others of note — 
yes, on reflection, it is perhaps safe to say that the personnel of 
the Legislature of 1868 was considerably above the average. 
In fact, there were men in both Houses who could adorn, and 
who have adorned, the highest walks of public life. 

" In the Senate were eight farmers, seven lawyers, three 
merchants, three physicians, a conveyancer, a banker, a car- 
penter, and a freighter, twenty-five members in all. Politi- 
cally classified, there were five Democrats, twelve Republi- 
cans, seven Radical Republicans, and two Radicals. Just 
what subtle niceties in political economy caused the shades of 
distinction between Republicans and Radical Republicans, 
and between Radical Republicans and mere Radicals, is diffi- 
cult to say. It may be a very poor guess to say that it was 
analogous to the secta of ' the grand old party ' to-day 
where certain philosophical principles have caused it to ar- 
range its membership into three classes, namely : the machine, 
the boss-busters, and the square-dealers. 

"In the house there were forty-four farmers, seventeen 
lawyers, seven merchants, five physicians, a minister, and one 
each of fourteen other common avocations. The political 
complexion of the house was twenty-eight Democrats, fifty- 
three Republicans, two Radical Republicans, one Radical, one 
Independent, one Democratic Republican, one ' Democrati- 
cally disposed,' and one * mixed.' 

'* The names of the Senators and Representatives may be 
found in the volume of special laws of the session of 1868, 
but it is a curious thing that neither the House nor the Sen- 
ate Journal contains a list of the members. The padding of 



412 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

legislative journals for purposes of revenue, which in later 
years became reduced to such a fine art, was unthought of 
by E. C. Manning, Secretary of the Senate, and John T, 
Morton, Chief Clerk of the House. It is perhaps the glamour 
which time throws over that session of thirty-eight years ago, 
but the words of the poet kept trying to run off the point of 
my pen all the time that I was jotting down my notes for 
this address: ' Then none were for a party, but all were for 
the State.' 

" The Message of Governor Crawford to the Legislature 
is a most valuable resume of the affairs of the State at that 
time. Opening with the usual greetings, he branches at once 
into the financial affairs of the State, saying that the prop- 
erty on the tax-rolls of the State is $56,276,360 ; but ventures 
the confident opinion that there is one hundred million 
dollars worth of property in Kansas, and that it is for the 
Legislature to find means and methods to remedy this ' glar- 
ing defect.' Just what this grand old man would have said 
if he had the present-day ' glaring defect ' in the assessed 
property returns to deal with may be imagined, but can 
hardly be described. The total receipts for the State in 1867 
were $183,833.52 — not as much as the fiscal income of a good 
second-class county nowadays. The interest receipts on the 
permanent school fund for the last year, 1867, were four hun- 
dred and twenty dollars. There would be no chance for a 
Rowett or a Moxey to earn a reputation examining the State 
Treasury shortages in 1868. 

" The permanent school fund amounted to $59,846.03 
The bonds of the State sold for ninety and ninety-one cents 
on the dollar without clipping any coupons, but, on the con- 
trary, by leaving on past-due coupons which had matured 
while the bonds were being hawked about the country seek- 
ing a purchaser. The Governor gives interesting information 
regarding education in Kansas, manifesting that splendid 
self-denying spirit which has swelled into a full tide with the 
passing years, and which is the crowning harvest of the dream 

of the pioneers. 

We go to plant her common schools 
On distant prairie swells, 
And give the Sabbaths of the wild 
The music of her bells. 

*' A subject which has passed from consideration, now- 



APPENDIX 413 

adays and for all time, but which was of overshadowing and 
tremendous importance in 1868, and which was extensively 
treated by Governor Crawford, was Indian depredations. 
The Governor aptly says that * a well-organized militia is 
necessary for the security of a free State '; and it certainly 
was in Kansas in 1868, when the Cheyennes, Osages, Otoes, 
Wichitas, Kiowas, Arapahoes, Sioux, Comanches, and Paw- 
nees, swarmed over the prairies, stealing horses and murdering 
settlers, not only on the frontier, but penetrating the State 
far into the settled districts. 

" The State charities were reviewed, there being twenty- 
five inmates at the Deaf and Dumb Institute at Olathe, and 
twenty-tAvo in the asylum at Osawatomie. The Governor in- 
forms the Legislature that the lease will soon expire on the 
buildings rented for the State Government, and hopes that 
the east wing of the new State-house will be ready for occu- 
pancy by the time the Legislature meets again. 

" The Governor felicitated much on the fact that the 
State had five hundred and twenty-three miles of railroad ; 
boasts of its excellent quality ; of the fact that the Union Pa- 
cific earned over a million dollars for the preceding year. He 
refers to the railroad land-grants, including that of the 
' Katy,' which has recently been much talked about by men 
who know nothing about it, and by others who know consid- 
erable about it, which is n 't true. 

' ' The Legislature is urged to give its assistance to immi- 
gration, for the Governor says: ' Kansas cannot afford to re- 
main idle while other States are using every honorable means 
in their power to encourage immigrants to settle within their 
borders. The immigration for 1867 was fifty thousand, and 
it should have been one hundred thousand.' 

" The Governor touches on the Paris exposition and the 
interest of Kansas therein ; pours forth the vials of his honest 
wrath against the Secretary of the Interior on account of 
what he calls the infamous treaty with James F. Joy for the 
sale of eight hundred thousand acres of neutral lands, con- 
siderable part of which was occupied by settlers. The Osage 
lands, he declares, embarrassed the proper development of 
the State. He commends the work of the codifying commis- 
sion to the earnest attention of the Legislature, giving his 
views as a stout and staunch Union patriot on the necessity 
of putting aside mawkish sentimentality in dealing with 



414 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

rebels and traitors, and winds up with a solemn conjuration 
on the necessity of legislative economy ; and there is no touch 
of irony in that, either, although there was no money in the 
treasury to pay even the law-makers' per diem and mileage. 

* ' In these days, when it costs over two and a half million 
dollars a year to run the State Government, a brief review of 
the Governmental expenses of the early days cannot fail to 
be instructive: 



In 1861 the total expenses of State Government were . 
In 1862 the total expenses of State Government were . 
In 1863 the total expenses of State Government were . 
In 1864 the total expenses of State Government were . 
In 1865 the total expenses of State Government were . 
In 1866 the total expenses of State Government were . 
In 1867 the total expenses of State Government were . 
In 1868 the total expenses of State Government were . 



$ 84,775.93 
92,508.53 
137,259.54 
173,977.01 
154,768.66 
234,555.36 
234,555.36 
274,533.14 



" The disbursements authorized by the session of 1868 
were as follows: 

Legislative expenses ■^ 32,978.00 

Judiciary 22,950.00 

Executive Department 4,700.00 

Secretary of State 6,300.00 

Auditor 3,350.00 

Treasurer 3,000.00 

Attorney-general 1,250.00 

Superintendent of Public Instruction 2,100.00 

State University 7,500.00 

Adjutant-general 5,205.25 

State Printing 18,000.00 

Kent of State-house 1,800.00 

Deaf and Dumb 10,500.00 

State Normal School 5,637.00 

State Agricultural College 8,715.00 

Insane Asylum 12,600.00 

Blind Asylum 11,722.11 

Penitentiary 80,255.64 

Miscellaneous 13,512.87 

Price-raid commission ........ 4,457.27 

Negotiating sale of State bonds 3,000.00 

Printing general statutes . 15,000.00 



Total $274,533.14 

" <^f the foregoing appropriations, much was for institu- 
tional buildings. Thus the total disbursements of Kansas' 



APPENDIX 415 

greatest legislative session were but slightly in excess of a 
quarter of a million dollars. It was not until as late as 1883 
that the legislative appropriations for the State Government 
passed the million-dollar mark. That year they were $1,005,- 
540.91. But Kansas by that time had cleaved her way through 
the preliminary difficulties and was striking a million-dollar 
gait in her upward and onward journey, in her glorious race 
' to the stars.' 

" In this year of bountiful harvests and opulent citizen- 
ship, the legislative appropriations authorized by the last ses- 
sion (1905) are $2,974,720.10, and with the fees collected and 
disbursed by the several State departments, will push the ex- 
penses of State Government for 1906 over the line of three 
million dollars. Yet the State levy for 1906 is substantially 
what it was in 1868, although the intervening years have seen 
it much higher. But according to Governor Crawford's mes- 
sage in 1868, only half of the property of the State escaped 
taxation. To-day the proportion is much greater, and yet the 
burdens of State Government rest as lightly to-day upon the 
fraction of our people and property paying taxes as they did 
in 1868. This goes to show that our ability to pay taxes has 
even outrun our extravagance. 

' ' The great work of the session of 1868 was enacting stat- 
utes which cover practically every subject of our civil polity. 
That Legislature in fact made the law of the land. The Leg- 
islature of 1867 had authorized the Governor to appoint a 
commission to revise and codify the laws of the State, and the 
executive had commissioned for that pretentious work three 
men qualified indeed for such a task. These were Samuel A. 
Riggs, of Douglas County, John M. Price, of Atchison County, 
and James McCahon, of Leavenworth County ; and some day, 
when Kansas gets through with her more utilitarian tasks of 
building cities and railroads and pipe-lines and irrigation 
ditches, and turns to take a thought of those wiio have laid 
the foundation of her greatness, and to commemorate the 
memory of those who despised not the day of small things — 
when we come to adorn the State-house square with statues 
of those who served her with distinction, there will be a mon- 
ument of brass and marble to Riggs, Price, and McCahon, 
who whipped into efficient and practical shape the confused 
and crazy patchwork of legislation which constituted the laws 
of Kansas prior to lS6b. 



416 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

" I cannot now tell you how inharmonious, incongruous 
and confusing were the laws of Kansas prior to the codifica- 
tion. Part of them had been enacted by the several Terri- 
torial legislatures, whose principal business appears to have 
been to repeal the statutes passed by every previous session 
since the bogus Legislature of 1855. Part of the laws were 
the work of State Legislatures attempting the hopeless task 
of moulding Territorial enactments to fit conditions under 
the State Constitution. The Territorial and State laws being 
framed under different organic charters, preliminary work 
by experienced lawyers, like the codifying commissioners, was 
an absolute necessity before the revision could be undertaken 
by even the most earnest and enlightened Legislature. 

"It is the chief glory of the Legislature of 1868 that it 
set itself with laborious care to this work, and neither faltered 
nor dallied with the matters at hand. It is not uncommon 
for Legislatures to authorize commissions to codify or revise 
some branch of statute law, but we have all seen them grow 
weary of the task of reviewing and intelligently passing upon 
the revisions and codifications submitted to them for approval 
and enactment. The most conspicuous example of this was 
the proposed revision of the laws of taxation. In 1901 the 
Legislature, like several of its immediate predecessors, recog- 
nized the necessity of a revision of the laws of taxation, and 
authorized a commission to sit in vacation for the purpose of 
framing a new law for the assessment and taxation of prop- 
erty. The commission accordingly, after most laborious re- 
search of all the assessment laws of the American States, 
submitted a Bill to the Legislature of 1903. 

Perhaps is was not perfect — 

He who hopes a faultless tax to see, 
Hopes what ne 'er was, is not, and ne 'er will be. 

" The Legislature of 1903 took up the Bill, criticized it, 
amended it, botched it, quarrelled over it, fussed over it, 
played small politics with it, wasted the greater part of the 
session over it, and then dropped it. The Legislature of 1905 
never touched the subject, and our chaotic system of taxation 
still remains and, like as not, it will continue for another 
decade. 

" Not so the Legislature of 1868. It set to work and grap- 
pled with one subject after another, and it was no mere ac- 



APPENDIX 417 

quiescence in the work of the commission, either; but the 
Legislature intelligently examined, discussed, criticized and 
amended the work of the commissioners. They passed the 
Bills ; the Governor signed them ; they became the law of the 
land ; and there are scores of these laws thus passed that re- 
main on the statute-book, thirty-eight years after, without 
amendment, and are to-day in no more danger of either 
amendment or repeal than the ethics of the sermon on the 
mount. 

' ' I like the way the house started into work at the session 
of 1868. There were no exasperating delays while the speaker 
and the ' third house ' fixed up the committees. George W. 
Smith, of Douglas County, was elected speaker. On taking the 
gavel, he said: 

* ' ' The business of the Legislature should be conducted without ref- 
erence to party. It is proper that parties should exist. But when we 
meet together in the legislative hall for the purpose of passing laws, 
we ought to quell all political feeling. I have discovered that members 
sometimes forget that they have taken an oath to discharge their duties 
as members of the Legislature, particularly on political questions. The 
Republican party can afford to be generous, and I hope it will be so, 
and show no disposition to force any measures on the minority which 
may be wrong. To the Democrats I will say, there may be hope for 
them. I would say, in the language of the Scripture, "Fear not, little 
flock, it is your Father's good pleasure to give you the kingdom.' 
But it will require you to act honestly in the discharge of your duties. 
I have heard that there have been boasts made that you have the con- 
trolling vote. It is all proper, when political questions come up (which 
I hope will not during this session), that you should use your votes 
for the purpose of controlling them. But you must recollect that you 
have also taken an oath to discharge your duties to the best of your 
ability. ' 

" Let it be noted that the House met at noon, January 14, 
The organization was completed, the Governor 's Message read 
and referred to a special committee for appropriate sub- 
division among the standing committees, by January 16. On 
January 17 the speaker announced all the standing commit- 
tees, and the business of the session was under way. That the 
Speaker practised what he preached in repressing politics is 
demonstrated by his appointment of George W. Glick, the 
foremost Democrat in Kansas for a generation, as chairman 
of the judiciary committee — a committee which in a session 
to be dedicated to constructive legislation was bound to be 
preeminently the principal committee of the House. Preston 
B. Plumb, also a committeeman of the judiciary, was chair- 



418 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

man of the committee on railroads, and that committee in 
1868 devoted most of its time to encouraging legislation cal- 
culated to bring railroads and railroad builders and railroad 
investors to Kansas. That eminence and distinction in pub- 
lic life were to be achieved by * busting the railroads ' and 
crying ^own the rapacity of corporate influences and railroad 
greed, seems to have been entirely overlooked by the solons of 
1868. 

" The work of the codifying commissioners was taken up 
without delay. The judiciary committee did not arrogate to 
itself the latter-day prerogative of passing on the merits of 
every bill submitted to it. It examined a multitude of them 
merely as to their legal sufficiency, and then reported them 
with the recommendation that they be referred to other ap- 
propriate committees as to the wisdom of the subject-matter. 
Of course, in a session devoted to the revision and codifica- 
tion of the laws of the State, a vast amount of work fell to the 
judiciary committee which could not in the nature of things 
be profitably referred elsewhere. 

*' Let me briefly run over the list of subjects considered 
and enacted into law by the session of 1868. These were the 
laws of apprentices; assignments; attorneys at law; bonds, 
notes and bills; bonds and warrants; commissioners to take 
depositions; contracts and promises; conveyances; corpora- 
tions ; county boundaries ; counties and county officers ; county- 
seats ; courts — supreme, district and probate ; crimes and 
punishments; damages against cities; descents and distribu- 
tions; elections; executors and administrators; exemptions; 
fees and salaries ; fences ; ferries ; frauds and perjuries ; fugi- 
tives from justice ; guardians and wards ; illegitimate chil- 
dren ; impeachment ; jails ; jurors ; landlords and tenants ; 
laws and legislative journals ; lunatics and drunkards ; married 
women and their rights ; minors ; mortgages ; notaries public ; 
oaths; pardons; partnerships; plats of cities and towns; pro- 
cedure — civil ; procedure — criminal ; procedure — civil, be- 
fore justices; procedure — in misdemeanors, before justices; 
statutory construction; stock; town sites; townships and 
township officers; trespassers; fiduciary trusts and powers; 
wills. 

'' Only two important subjects were laid over for another 
session — schools and taxation. These remained in confusion 
until 1876, when another of the more important legislative 



APPENDIX 419 

sessions of Kansas considered them at length, and the enact- 
ments of 1876 form the basis of existing laws on those subjects. 
But it is to be regretted that these two subjects were not 
touched by the master hand of the Legislature of 1868. Of 
the long roll to its credit, however, much remains the law in 
Kansas to-day without so much as a single amendment, and 
where changes have been made they have not always been 
for the better. Legislative tinkering is greatly to be decried. 
How often have we observed that the whole scope and pur- 
pose of a useful and valuable law is crippled by the subse- 
quent enactment of a well-meant amendment secured by some 
lawmaker who had failed to consider the whole range of the 
subject with which he was tinkering. Nothing like omnis- 
cience or prescience is claimed for the session of 1868, how- 
ever; but the fact remains that if every Legislature that has 
since convened had contented itself with passing the neces- 
sary revenue bills and the periodic apportionments required 
by the Constitution, the commonwealth would have lived, 
flourished and prospered under the beneficent laws of 1868. 

' ' The law of descents and distributions, whereby a man 's 
property passes without a will to those who are most entitled 
to his bounty, is still the law of this State, with only two in- 
significant amendments. 

** The law of executors and administrators, where occu- 
pies some thirty-five pages of the General Statutes of 1901, 
has stood the test of thirty-eight years' practical operation 
with a scant half-dozen changes. 

" The laws of exemptions, conceived in the days when 
Kansas and its people were poor, is still the law in our day of 
opulence, and if its necessity has largely passed, the reverence 
of the sons for this wisdom of the fathers has saved this hu- 
manitarian law from the iconoclastic hand of ambitious 
innovation. 

" The statute of frauds, time-tried before Kansas was 
born, remains untouched. 

* * Only slight changes have been made in the law of guard- 
ian and wards. 

' ' Kansas, with her glorious allodial land system where the 
troubles of landlords and tenants have never given the State 
concern, as in less favored portions of the earth, has found 
the landlord and tenant act of 1868 sufficient for almost every 
circumstance. 



420 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

** The law of married women was framed for the enlight- 
ened age of the present, and nothing of the dead past, when 
woman was a chattel, is contained in its sacred sections. It 
bids fair to remain untouched while Kansas endures. 

" The codes of procedure were drawn from the most en- 
lightened ideas of a procedure-reforming age, and have worked 
out an approximate justice between man and man. They 
have, of course, been changed in details with operative ex- 
perience. Code-making and code-division are still going on, 
and are bound to continue for many years. Indeed, it is 
doubtful if court procedure will ever crystallize, as it did, and 
remained for generations as common law. 

'' But I must bear in mind that this is a miscellaneous 
audience, interested in history, and it would trench both upon 
your patience and upon the occasion should I run this address 
into a lecture on law. 

" The law of wills, which occupied ten full pages of the 
general statutes, has scarcely been touched through all the 
years since its enactment. 

" Perhaps enough has been said to demonstrate that the 
Legislature of 1868 was the greatest that ever convened in 
Kansas, and that other Legislatures have been great, and in 
the future will be great, just in the measure in which they 
approach their problems with the spirit and abiding purpose 
of the session of 1868. . , . 

" The local bills of that session were few; the times gave 
little token of the deluge of petty bills which came with after- 
years and which necessitated the Constitutional amendment 
of 1906 pertaining thereto. 

" As early as 1868 the extravagant and senseless practice 
of scattering the State institutions at various places far dis- 
tant from the State capital was foreseen, and a strong spirit 
of retrenchment and reform was manifest; but local self-in- 
terest was even then too strong to correct the expensive system. 
The proposed concentration of State institutions was voted 
down, and has never since been a subject of feasible under- 
taking. 

'' On one point the wisdom of the fathers has come to 
naught. In 1868 it was confidently believed and frequently 
expressed that a day was speedily coming when the endow- 
ment funds of the State University, the State Normal School, 
and the State Agricultural School, realized from the sale of 



APPENDIX 421 

land-grants, would amply sustain these institutions. Gover- 
nor Crawford, in his Message, expresses this confidence : 

" ' It is sincerely to be hoped that such of our State institutions as 
have been generously endowed from the public domain will soon be 
able to dispense with the aid drawn from the treasury. ' 

* ' It would add little to this address to attempt to draw a 
moral from the Legislature of 1868. And yet the lesson is 
there. The Legislature which will conscientiously apply it- 
self to the improvement of existing law will serve the State 
better and establish a work more enduring than one which 
devotes itself to the passage of a few spectacular, evanescent 
bills which, when fickle opinion passes on to other matters of 
like transient interest, will lie and rust in the limbo of for- 
gotten uselessness. 

" I lay great stress on the Constitutional amendment of 
1906 relating to special legislation. It will give the Legisla- 
ture time to revise and perfect existing general laws. And 
many of them badly need perfecting. The school law, the 
school-land law, the bridge law, the law of municipal indebt- 
edness, the law of taxation, and many others, need the same 
laborious and prayerful consideration that was given to the 
great codes and statutes promulgated in 1868. It is time we 
had another commission to revise, rewrite, and codify all the 
laws of the State. It will be forty years since the last codifi- 
cation before it can be enacted, even if the coming Legislature 
of 1907 should authorize its creation. And when the codifica- 
tion comes, let us hope that men of the rank of Price, Riggs, 
and McCahon will prepare the codification, and that patriots 
like the legislators of 1868 will compose the assembly which 
will enact it into law. ' ' 

CALL FOR STATE TROOPS, SEPTEMBER 10, 1868 

proclamation 

State of Kansas, Executive Office, 

ToPEKLi, Septemher 14, 1868. 
The recent acts of atrocity perpetrated by hostile Indians 
upon citizens of Kansas, with other accumulating circum- 
stances, indicate with unerring certainty that a general In- 
dian war is inevitable. The United States forces in this de- 
partment are too few in number to answer the emergency, 



422 KANSAS m THE SIXTIES 

and the appeals of our frontier settlers for protection and re- 
dress cannot with honor be disregarded. 

The undersigned, therefore, hereby calls into active serv- 
ice, for a period of three months, unless sooner discharged, 
five companies of cavalry, to be organized from the militia of 
the State, for service upon the border. Each man will be re- 
quired to furnish his own horse ; but arms, accoutrements and 
rations will be furnished by Major General Sheridan. One 
company, to be recruited in the Republican Valley, will ren- 
dezvous at Ayersburg; one company will rendezvous at Sa- 
lina; one company at Topeka; one company at Fort Harker; 
and the remaining company at Marion Centre. 

Recruiting officers will be designated for each company, 
and when notice of the organization of a company shall have 
been received, the men will be mustered and company officers 
appointed. Each company will consist of not less than eighty 
(80) nor more than one hundred (100) enlisted men. 

As the State has no fund at present from which the men 
hereby called into service can be paid, it is expressly under- 
stood that all claims for service must await the action of the 
Legislature. 

S. J. Crawford, 

Governor. 

ROSTER OF OFFICERS, FRONTIER BATTALION, 

1868 

MAJOR 

George B. Jenness 

COMPANY A 

S. J. Jennings Captain 

J. F. DeLong First Lieutenant 

"W. A. Loveoy Second Lieutenant 

COMPANY B 

H. D. Baker Captain 

Julius A. Case First Lieutenant 

Alex. K. Pierce Second Lieutenant 

COMPANY c 

B. C Sanders Captain 

Gilman D. Brooks First Lieutenant 

Herod Johnson Second Lieutenant 



APPENDIX 42^ 

COMPANY D 

A. J. Armstrong Captain 

D. L. Eby First Lieutenant 

G. Moulton ' Second Lieutenant 

COMPANY E 

J. A. Potts Captain 

Albert Schaltenbrand First Lieutenant 

Henry Spaulding Second Lieutenant 



CHEROKEE TEEATY OF 1868 

Supplemental article to a treaty concluded at Washington 
City, July 19th, A. D. 1866 ; ratified with amendments 
July 27th, A. D. 1866; amendments accepted, July 31st, 
A. D. 1866; and the whole proclaimed, August 11th, A. D. 
1866, between the United States of America and the Chero- 
kee Nation of Indians. 

Whereas under the provisions of the seventeenth article 
of a treaty and amendments thereto made between the United 
States and the Cherokee Nation of Indians, and proclaimed 
August 11th, A. D. 1866, a contract was made and entered 
into by James Harlan, Secretary of the Interior, on behalf of 
the United States, of the one part, and by the American Emi- 
grant Company, a corporation chartered and existing under 
the laws of the State of Connecticut, of the other part, dated 
August 30th, A. D. 1866, for the sale of the so-called " Chero- 
kee neutral lands," in the State of Kansas, containing eight 
hundred thousand acres, more or less, with the limitations and 
restrictions set forth in the said seventeenth article of said 
treaty as amended, on the terms and conditions therein men- 
tioned, which contract is now on file in the Department of the 
Interior; and 

Whereas Orville H. Browning, Secretary of the Interior, 
regarding said sale as illegal and not in conformity with said 
treaty and amendments thereto, did, on the ninth day of Octo- 
ber, A. D. 1867 for and in behalf of the United States, enter 
into a contract with James F. Joy, of the city of Detroit, Mich- 
igan, for the sale of the aforesaid lands on the terms and con- 
ditions in said contract set forth, and which is on file in the 
Department of the Interior ; and 



424 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

Whereas, for tlie purpose of enabling the Secretary of the 
Interior, as trustee for the Cherokee Nation of Indians, to 
collect the proceeds of sales of said lands and invest the same 
for the benefit of said Indians, and for the purpose of pre- 
venting litigation and of harmonizing the conflicting interests 
of the said American Emigrant Company and of the said 
James F. Joy, it is the desire of all parties in interest that the 
said American Emigrant Company shall assign their said con- 
tract and all their right, title, claim, and interest in and to the 
said " Cherokee neutral lands " to the said James F. Joy, and 
that the said Joy shall assume and conform to all the obliga- 
tions of said company under their said contract, as herein- 
after modified: 

It is, therefore, agreed, by and between Nathaniel G. Tay- 
lor, commissioner on the part of the United States of Amer- 
ica, and Lewis Downing, H. D. Reese, Wm. P. Adair, Elias C. 
Boudinot, J. A. Scales, Archie Scrappr, J. Porum Davis, and 
Samuel Smith, commissioners on the part of the Cherokee 
Nation of Indians, that an assignment of the contract made 
and entered into on the 30th day of August, A. D. 1866, by 
and between James Harlan, Secretary of the Interior, for and 
in behalf of the United States of America, of the one part, 
and in behalf of the American Emigrant Company, a corpora- 
tion chartered and existing under the laws of the State of 
Connecticut, of the other part, and now on file in the Depart- 
ment of the Interior, to James F. Joy, of the city of Detroit, 
Michigan, shall be made; and that said contract, as herein- 
after modified, be and the same is hereby, with the consent of 
all parties, reaffirmed and declared valid; and that the con- 
tract entered into by and between Orville H. Browning, for 
and in behalf of the United States, of the one part, and James 
F. Joy, of the city of Detroit, Michigan, of the other part, on 
the 9th day of October, A. D. 1867, and now on file in the De- 
partment of the Interior, shall be relinquished and cancelled 
by the said James F. Joy, or his duly authorized agent or at- 
torney ; and the said first contract as hereinafter modified, and 
the assignment of the first contract, and the relinquishment of 
the second shall be entered of record in the Department of the 
Interior ; and when the said James F. Joy shall have accepted 
said assignment and shall have entered into a contract with 
the Secretary of the Interior to assume and perform all obli- 
gations of the said American Emigrant Company under said 
first-named contract, as hereinafter modified. 



APPENDIX 425 

The modifications hereinbefore mentioned of said contract 
are hereby declared to be : — 

1. That within ten days from the ratification of this sup- 
plemental article the sum of seventy-five thousand dollars 
shall be paid to the Secretary of the Interior as trustee for the 
Cherokee Nation of Indians. 

2. That the other deferred payments specified in said con- 
tract shall be paid when they respectively fall due, with in- 
terest only from the date of the ratification hereof. 

It is further agreed and distinctly understood that under 
the conveyance of the " Cherokee nautral lands " to the said 
American Emigrant Company, " with all beneficial interests 
therein," as set forth in said contract, the said company and 
their assignees shall take only the residue of said lands after 
securing to ' ' actual settlers ' ' the lands to which they are en- 
titled under the provisions of the seventeenth article and 
amendments thereto of the said Cherokee treaty of August 
11th, 1866 ; and that the proceeds of the sales of said lands, 
so occupied at the date of said treaty by " actual settlers," 
shall enure to the sole benefit of, and be retained by, the Secre- 
tary of the Interior as trustee for the said Cherokee Nation of 
Indians. 

In testimony whereof, the said commissioners on the part 
of the United States, and on the part of the Cherokee Nation of 
Indians, have hereunto set their hands and seals, at the city 
of Washington, this 27th day of April, A. D. 1868. 

N. G. Taylor, 
Commissioner in behalf of the United States. 

Delegates (vf the Cherokee Nation : 

Lewis Downing, 

Chief of Cherokees. 
H. D. Reese, 
Chairman of Delegation. 
Samuel Smith, 
Wm. p. Adair, 
J. P. Davis, 
Elias C. Boudinot, 
J. A. Scales, 
Arch. Scraper, 

Cherokee Delegates. 
In presence of — 
H. M. Watterson, 
Charles E. Mix. 



426 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

CALL FOR STATE TROOPS, OCTOBER 10, 1868 
proclamation 

Executive Office, 
ToPEKA, October 10, 1868. 

With scarcely an exception, all the tribes of Indians on 
the plains in Kansas or contiguous thereto, have taken up 
arms against the Government, and are now engaged in acts 
of hostility. The peace of the exposed border is thereby dis- 
turbed, quiet and unoffending citizens driven from their 
homes, or ruthlessly murdered, and their property destroyed 
or carried away. In fact children have been carried into cap- 
tivity, and in many instances barbarously murdered; while 
many women have been repeatedly violated in the presence 
of their husbands and families. 

Besides these instances of individual suffering, great pub- 
lic interests are being crippled and destroyed by this savage 
hostility. The commerce of the plains is entirely suspended. 
The mail routes, and the great lines of travel to the Terri- 
tories and States beyond us, are constantly being blockaded, 
and are sometimes completely closed for the space of several 
days. 

Longer to forbear with these bloody fiends would be a 
crime against civilization, and against the peace, security, 
and lives of all the people upon the frontier. The time has 
come when they must be met by an adequate force, not only 
to prevent the repetition of these outrages, but to penetrate 
their haunts, break up their organizations, and either ex- 
terminate the tribes, or confine them upon reservations set 
apart for their occupancy. To this end the Major-General 
commanding this department has called upon the Executive 
for a regiment of cavalry from this State. 

Now, therefore, I, Samuel J. Crawford, Governor of the 
State of Kansas, do call for volunteers from the militia of the 
State, to the number set forth in the foregoing letter from 
Major-General Sheridan, to be mustered into the service of 
the United States, and to serve for a period of six months, un- 
less sooner discharged. It is desirable that the regiment shall 
be organized at the earliest possible moment, and with this 
view recruiting officers will be appointed in various portions 
of the State. The Adjutant General will issue the necessary 
orders to carry this proclamation into effect. 

S. J. Crawford, Governor. 



APPENDIX 427 

THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION, NOVEMBER 4, 1868 
proclamation 

Executive Office, 
ToPEKA, Kan., November 4, 1868. 

An immemorial custom devolves upon the Executive the 
duty of setting apart one day to be observed by all the people 
of the State as a day of Thanksgiving for mercies past, and of 
Prayer for the continuance of divine favor. 

The measure of prosperity accorded to us has been over- 
flowing. Although in some localities the usual fruits of the 
earth have been partially withheld, our general harvests have 
been abundant. The remote frontier has been harassed by 
predatory bands of hostile Indians, and shocking outrages 
have been perpetrated upon the persons and property of the 
frontier settlers. With this exception, universal peace has 
prevailed throughout our borders. 

During the year the area of development has been widely 
extended. Our population has increased with unexampled 
rapidity. Every department of industry has been vigorously 
promoted and advanced. Labor has met its just reward ; 
commerce has returned fruitful gains; and law, order, and 
personal security have distinguished our society. 

It is meet and proper that, as a people, we acknowledge 
our gratitude to Almighty God for all these blessings, and 
our entire dependence upon Him for every moral and civil 
safeguard which gives protection to the citizen and glory to 
the Commonwealth, 

Now, therefore, I, Samuel J. Crawford, Governor of the 
State of Kansas, in pursuance of a time-honored custom, do 
designate 

THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1868, 

as a day of thanksgiving and prayer. 

And I do earnestly commend to all the people of the State 
that upon said day they suspend their ordinary avocations, 
and mutually return thanks to the Father of all for his benefi- 
cent guidance. Let us also invoke His favor for the future, 
praying that permanent peace may be brought to our borders ; 
that our resources may be further developed ; that we may be 
enabled justly to pride ourselves upon a faithful administra- 
tion of just laws, and upon institutions which are without 
reproach. 



428 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the great seal of the State to be afl&xed, the day and 
year first above written. 

S. J. Crawford, 

Governor. 



ROSTER OF THE NINETEENTH KANSAS CAVALRY 

field, staff, and line officers 

Mustered into United States Service October 29, 1868. 
Mustered Out and Discharged April 18, 1869. 

Colonel Samuel J. Crawford, Topeka; mustered in as Col. 

Nov. 4, 1868; resigned Feb. 12, 1869. 
Colonel Horace L. Moore, Topeka ; mustered in as Lieut.-Col ; 

pro. Col. Mar. 23, 1869. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Horace L. Moore, Topeka ; mustered in as 

Lieut.-Col. Mar. 23, 1869. 
Lieutenant-Colonel William C. Jones, lola; mustered in as 

Major ; pro. Lieut.-Col. Mar. 23, 1869. 
Major William C. Jones, lola; mustered in as Major; pro. 

Lieut.-Col. ; pro. Col. Mar. 23, 1869. 
Major Charles Dimon, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. Co. G; 

pro. Major Oct. 20, 1868. 
Major Richard W. Jenkins, Topeka ; mustered in as Major. 
Major Milton Stewart, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. Co. K; 

pro. Major Mar. 23, 1869. 
Surgeon Mahlon Bailey, Topeka ; mustered in as Surgeon. 
Assistant Surgeon Ezra P. Russell, Topeka; mustered in as 

Ass 't Surgeon, 
Assistant Surgeon Robert Aikman, Topeka; mustered in as 

Ass 't Surgeon. 
Adjutant James W. Steele, Topeka ; mustered in as Adjutant. 
Quartermaster Luther A. Thrasher, Topeka; mustered in as 

Quartermaster. 
Commissary John Johnston, Topeka; mustered in as Com- 
missary. 
Sergeant-Ma j or George G. Gunning, Leavenworth ; mustered 

in as pvt. ; pro. 1st Sergt. Oct. 28, 1868 ; pro. Sergt.-Maj. 

Nov. 12, 1868. 



APPENDIX 429 

Sergeant-Major John G. Kay, Junction City; mustered in as 
pvt. ; pro. Sergt. Jan. 1, 1869; pro. Sergt.-Maj. April 8, 
1869. 

Quartermaster Sergeant Francis M. Brown, Topeka; mus- 
tered in as pvt. ; pro. Q. M. Sergt. Dec. 29, 1868. 

Commissary Sergeant William Mather, Topeka; mustered in 
as pvt. ; pro. Com. Sergt. Dec. 29, 1868. 

Hospital Steward Gamaliel J. Lund, Topeka; mustered in as 
Hospital Steward, 

Chief Bugler William Gruber, Leavenworth ; mustered in as 
pvt. ; pro. bugler Oct. 28, 1868 ; pro. chief bugler Nov. 
13, 1868. 

Chief Bugler Enoch Collett, Franklin ; mustered in as pvt. ; 
pro. bugler Oct. 28, 1868 ; pro. chief bugler Mar. 6, 1869. 

Veterinary Surgeon George Davidson, Topeka; mustered in 
as pvt. ; pro. Vet. Surg. Dec. 3, 1868. 

COMPANY A 

Captain Allison J. Pliley, Topeka ; mustered in as Capt. Oct. 

20, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Benj. D. Wilson, Topeka ; mustered in as 1st 

Lt. Oct. 20, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Raleigh C. Powell, Topeka; resigned, and 

res. accepted Jan. 5, 1869. 
Second Lieutenant Joseph Beacock, Topeka; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. Mar. 23, 1869. 

COMPANY B 

Captain Charles E. Reck, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. Oct. 

23, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Henry H. McCollister, Topeka; mustered in 

as 1st Lt. Oct. 28, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Charles H. Champney, Topeka; mustered 

in as 2nd Lt. Oct. 23, 1868. 

COMPANY C 

Captain Charles P. Twiss, Topeka ; mustered in as Capt. Oct. 

26, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Walter J. Dallas, Topeka; mustered in as 

1st Lt. Oct. 26, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Jesse E. Parsons, Topeka ; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. Oct. 26, 1868. 



480 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

COMPANY D 

Captain John Q. A. Norton, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. 

Oct. 26, 1868. 
First Lieutenant John S. Edie, Topeka ; mustered in as 1st Lt. 

Oct. 26, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Charles H. Hoyt, Topeka ; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. Oct. 26, 1868. 

COMPANY E 

Captain Thomas J. Darling, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. 

Oct. 26, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Wm. B. Bidwell, Topeka ; mustered in as 1st 

Lt. Oct. 26, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Charles T. Brady, Topeka ; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. Nov. 7, 1868. 

COMPANY P 

Captain George B. Jenness, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. 

Nov. 4, 1868. 
First Lieutenant DeWitt C. Jenness, Topeka ; mustered in as 

1st Lt. Oct. 27, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant John Fellows, Topeka ; mustered in as 2nd 

Lt. Oct. 27, 1868. 

COMPANY G 

Captain Charles Dimon, Topeka ; mustered in as Capt. ; pro. 

Maj. Oct. 30, 1868. 
Captain Richard D. Lender, Topeka ; mustered in as 1st Lt. ; 

pro. Capt. Nov. 4, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Richard D. Lender, Topeka ; mustered in as 

1st Lt. ; pro. Capt. Nov. 4, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Myron A. Wood, Topeka ; mustered in as 2nd 

Lt. ; pro. 1st Lt. Nov. 4, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Myron A. Wood, Topeka; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. ; pro 1st. Lt. Nov. 4, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Henry C. Litchfield, Topeka; mustered in 

as pvt. ; pro. 2nd. Lt. Nov. 4, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant James W. Brown, Fort Scott ; mustered in 

as pvt. ; pro. 1st Sergt. Oct. 30, 1868 ; pro. 2nd Lt. Mar. 23, 

1869. 



APPENDIX 431 



COMPANY H 



Captain David L. Payne, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. Oct. 

29, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Mount A. Gordon, Topeka; mustered in as 

1st Lt. Oct. 29, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Robert M. Steele, Topeka ; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. October 29, 1868. 

COMPANY I 

Captain Roger A. Ellsworth, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. 

Oct. 29, 1868. 
First Lieutenant James J. Clancy, Topeka; mustered in as 

1st Lt. Oct. 29, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant James M. May, Topeka; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. Oct. 29, 1868. 

COMPANY K 

Captain Milton Stewart, Topeka ; mustered in as Capt. ; pro. 

Maj. Mar. 23, 1869. 
Captain Emmet Ryus, Topeka ; mustered in as 1st Lt. ; pro. 

Capt. Mar. 23, 1869. 
First Lieutenant Emmet Ryus, Topeka; mustered in as 1st 

Lt. ; pro. Capt. Mar. 23, 1869. 
First Lieutenant Charles H. Hallett, Topeka; mustered in 

as 2nd Lt. ; pro. 1st Lt. Mar. 23, 1869. 
Second Lieutenant Charles H. Hallett, Topeka; mustered in 

as 2nd Lt. ; pro. 1st Lt. Mar. 23, 1869. 
Second Lieutenant Robert I. Sharp, Manhattan ; mustered in 

as pvt. ; pro. 1st Sergt. Dec. 21, 1868; pro. 2nd Lt. March, 

23, 1869. 

COMPANY L 

Captain Charles H. Finch, Topeka ; mustered in as Capt. Oct. 

29, 1868. 
First Lieutenant Henry E. Stoddard, Topeka ; mustered in as 

1st Lt. Oct. 29, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant Winfield S. Tilton, Topeka ; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. Oct. 29, 1868. 

COMPANY M 

Captain Sargent Moody, Topeka; mustered in as Capt. Oct. 
29, 1868. 



432 KANSAS IN THE SIXTIES 

First Lieutenant James Graham, Topeka; mustered in as 1st 

Lt. Oct. 29, 1868. 
Second Lieutenant James P. Hurst, Topeka; mustered in as 

2nd Lt. October 29, 1868. 



INDEX* 



Abrams, A. W., 363, 365, 366 
Adams, Captain, and his command 

167 
Adams, F. G., 200 
American Emigrant Company, 308- 

311, 314 
Anderson County, 2, 8 
Anderson, G. W., 241 
Anderson, M., 306 
Anderson, Major T. J., 134, 207, 

208, 240, 246; and Mrs. Ander- 
son, 241 
Andrews, Lieut. -Col., and the Third 

Brigade, 28, 30, 31 
Anthony, Susan B., 196 
Arickaree, battle of the, 293 
Armes, Captain, and his command, 

260-262 
Arthur, J, M., 5 
Atchison, David, 16 
Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe 

Railroad, 356-358 
Augur, Gen. C. C, 265 
Ayers, Captain, 58 

Babcock, C. W., 23 

Bailey, Judge, 238-240, 242, 244 

Baker, Capt., 298 

Baker, T. H., 244 

Ballard, D. E., 208, 246 

Ballard, Lieut., 59 

Bankhead, Col., 296 

Banks, A. E., 19 

Banks, General, 109, 112, 114 

Barker, Captain, 260, 261 

Barker, R. A., 200, 306 

Barker, Sergeant, 58 

Bartholow, E. M., 243 

Barton, J. T., 6 

• The I-egl8latlTe rolls, roeterg of recimsntal ofilceri, etc., contained In the appendix 
are not included In this Index. 

433 



Bassett, Lieut.-Col., 54, 56, 58, 69, 

74, 88, 91 
Bates, Col., 28 
Battle flags, 233 
Beck, Robt., 22 
Beecher, Lieut., 293, 294 
Bell, John, 18 
Beman, H. T., 208 
Benteen, Colonel, 159-162, 164, 173, 

174, 176 
Benton, Colonel, 125 
Black Flag, Confederate policy of 

the, 102, 106, 108, 117, 121, 126 
Blair, Lieut.-Col. Charles W., 22, 

37, 38, 143, 145, 148, 153-155, 

157, 159, 301-303; (Gen.) 306 
Blair, Major, 91 

BUnn, Mrs., and child, Indian cap- 
tives, 325, 326, 332 

Blood, Jas., 6 

Blood, N. C, 6 

" Bloody Crossing," 52 

Blunt, General, and his command, 
54-63, 68, 69, 71-87, 90, 91, 95- 
99, 138, 141-143, 146, 148-154, 

158, 168, 172, 173, 176, 177, 202 
Blunt, Jas. G., 6 

Boonsboro and Cove Creek, engage- 
ment at, 62 

Boston Mountains, battle of the. 
72 

Bowker, W. E., 200 

Bowman, Capt., 200 

Brant, R. C, 22 

Breekenridge, John C, 18, 194 

Bridgens, T., 201 

Brown, General E. B., 140 

Brown, Fred, 6 

Brown, John, 16 



434 



INDEX 



Brown, John F., 362 

Browning, Hon. O. H., 308-311, 
313 

Brumbaugh, J. D., 200 

Buchanan, James, President, 16, 17 

Buffalo hunt, see Game and hunt- 
ing in Kansas 

Buford, — , 16 

Burlingame, Ward, 247 

Burnes, Jim, 16 

Burnett, J. C, 6 

Burns, Col., and his command, 145 

Burr, Hon. C. C, of New Jersey, 
190, 192 

Burris, J. T., 6, 207 

Butterfield, Miss, 241 

Cabell, General (Confed.;, 95, 96, 

99, 100, 135, 164 
Cameron, Captain, 74 
Camp Beecher (Wichita), 322 
Camp Douglas, Chicago, 190, 191 
Campbell, Major, 71 
Canby, General, 43 
Cane Hill, battle of, 68 
Carlton, Gen., 270 
Carney, Governor, 142-145, 201, 

337 
Carpenter, Col., 295, 296 
Carthage, cavalry fight at, 65 
Case, Miss, 241 
Catherwood, Colonel, 99 
Chariot, Major C. S., 142 
Chase, Geo., 241 
Chase, Miss Isabel M. (Mrs. 

Samuel J. Crawford), 239 
Cherokee Neutral Lands, 307, 312 
Chesebrough, Ellsworth, 200, 201 
Chitwood, Major, 208 
Chivington, Major, 43 
Cholera at Fort Barker, 260 
Churchill, General, 121, 122, 124, 

129, 130, 133 
Clarke, Sidney, 200, 309, 312 
Clay, Clement C, 187 
Clayton, General, 108 
Cloud, Colonel (or Major) W. F., 

22, 38-40, 62, 69, 74, 78, 80, 87- 

94, 96, 99, 102, 142, 143, 157, 

174, 201, 207, 224, 246 



Cobb, Nelson, 201 

Coffey, Colonel (Confed.), 92, 94 

Coleman, Captain, 67, 77 

Colton, Col., and his command, 20, 
145 

Conkey, Captain, 66, 77 

Connor, James, 281 

Cook, Lieut., 332 

Cooke, General, 232 

Cooper, General (Confed^ 55, 57, 
58, 95-99, 135, 198 

Cooper, Sergeant, 57, 58 

Cordley, E., 244 

Cosgrove, Lieut., 58 

Cove Creek, see Boonsboro and 
Cove Creek, engagement at 

Cox, John T., 200 

Crawford, Hon. Samuel J., arrived 
in Kansas, 1; practised law in 
Garnett, 2; elected to first State 
Legislature, 6; experiences on 
hunting party, 9-14; Chairman 
of Com. on Counties and County 
Lines, and on Military Com., 20; 
as officer in war, 20 et seq.; as 
Governor, 138, 200, 203, 237, 238, 
339; Message of, 205; Marriage 
of, 239-242; Thanksgiving Proc- 
lamation of, 282; calls for State 
troops against Indians, 297; re- ; 
signs Governorship, 321 ; settle- 
ment of State and Indian claims I 
by, 353 et seq. j 

Crocker, A., 6 ' 

Cross Hollows, engagement at, 55 ) 

Cross, Lieut. Samuel K., 21, 51 

Cummings, J. F., and Mrs., 241 

Curtis, Gen. S. E., and his com- 
mand, 54, 74, 138, 141-155, 165, 
168, 172, 173, 175-179 

Custard, Serg. A. J., 266 

Custer, General, 325, 326, 329, 331- 
334 

Davis, Jefferson, 186-189 
Davis, Gen. Jeff. C, 39 
Dawson, Hon. John S., 285 
Dean, Eev. Henry Clay, of Iowa, 

190, 192 
Deitzler, (3f«neral, and the Fourth 



INDEX 



435 



Deitzler, General — Continued 

Brigade, 28, 30, 143, 144, 148, 

150 
Democratic National Convention, 

Chicago, 1864, 186-193, 195, 196 
Dennison, Ex-Gov., of Ohio, 194 
" Desert, Great American," 230, 

231 
Diraon, Charles, 208 
Dockery, General, 113, 122, 123 
Dodge, General C. M., 223 
Dodge's battery, 150 
Donavan, Jack, 295 
Doniphan, Col., 16 
Douglas, Stephen A., 18 
Drake, Colonel, 118 
DuBois's battery, 31, 35 
Dug Springs, battle of, 27-30 
Dutton, W. P., 6 
Dyer, Colonel, 362 
Dynamite used in farming, 372- 

374 

Earhart, D., 244 

Ege, A. G., 201 

Eighteenth Iowa Infantry, 54, 116 

Eighteenth Kansas Cavalry, 260, 
261, 281 

Eighth Missouri, 80 

Eighty-third U. S. Colored In- 
fantry, 102-108, 120, 121, 126, 
128, 131, 137, 138 

Elder, H. P. P., 21 

Eldridge, S. W., 22 

Eleventh Kansas Cavalry, 150, 152, 
223, 266, 267 

Eleventh Kansas Infantry, 54, 69, 
75, 80 

Elliott, Major, 260, 261, 325 

Elmore, Mrs., and Miss, 241 

Emery, J. S., 243 

Emmert, D. B., 19 

Emmert, J. S., 281 

Emporia Normal School, 245 

Estelle, Judge, of Omaha, quoted, 
375 

Ewing, Colonel, 69 

Ewing, General, 139, 165, 180 

Fagan, General (Confed.), 118, 



139, 141, 147, 155, 157, 159, 161- 
165, 169-171, 174, 178-180, 198 
Fifteenth Kansas Cavalry, 150, 

152, 223, 224 
Fifth Missouri Volunteers, 28 

Fiftieth Indiana Eegiment, 120, 
121, 130 

First Arkansas Infantry, 96 

First Brigade, see Sturgis's First 
Brigade 

First Colorado battery, 150 

First Iowa Infantry, 25, 28, 31, 32, 
80 ^ 

First Kansas battery, 54 

First Kansas Infantry, 28, 31 

First Missouri Volunteers, 28, 31, 
32 

First U. S, Infantry (Plummer's), 
28, 31 

Fisk, General, 140 

Fisk, Major, and his command, 45, 
68, 69, 91 

Fitzgerald, Miss, 241 

Fletcher, John, 240, 241 

Fletcher's, Colonel, infantry regi- 
ment, 180 

Forman, J. W., 6 

Forsyth, 25 

Forsyth, Colonel J. W., 289 

Forsythe, Col. George A., 293-296 

Fort Lamed, threatened by Indi- 
ans, 48-51 

Fort Scott, 157, 163 

Fort Smith, 101, 134 

Forty-third Illinois Regiment, 123 

Foster, R. C, 6 

Fourteenth Kansas Cavalry, 97, 
104, 116 

Fourteenth Missouri Cavalry, 77 

Fourth Brigade, see Deitzler 's 
Fourth Brigade 

Fourth Iowa Cavalry, 25, 174, 175 

Fremont, John C, 29, 38 

Frost, General, 80 

Fuller & McDonald, 314 

Gale, E., 244 

Game and hunting in Kansas, 8- 

14 
Gano, General, 96, 98, 198 



436 



INDEX 



Gardner, Captain, 59, 60, 66, 67, 

73, 74 
Garnett, Kansas, 2 
Gause, Colonel, 122, 123 
Gilmore, J. R., of New York, 188, 

189 
Gilpatrick, Major, 105 
Glover, Geo. W., 254 
Gonzales, William E., 372 
Goodnow, I. T., 200 
Graham, Eobt., 6 
Granger, Gordon, 35 
Grant, General U. S., 176, 217, 249 
Gravely, Colonel, 140, 141 
Gray, — , 281 
Great Bend, 51 
Greeley, Horace, quoted, 3 
Green, Captain, 156, 158, 161, 162, 

164 
Green, Gen. (Confed.), 37, 38 
Green, N., 254 
Greene's brigade, 121 
Greenwood, Col., 256 
Greer, John P., 5 
Gregg, Col. H. H., 370 
Grenfell, Colonel, 188, 191 
Griffith, W. R., 6 
Griswold, H., 201 
Grover, Captain, and his command, 

150, 152 

Hagan, Col., and Ms command, 

145 
Hairgrove, Asa, 201 
Hamilton, Captain, 325 
Hancock, Major General W. S., 

232, 250-252, 261, 264, 278-280, 

340 
Hanway, Jas., 6 
Harlan, Hon. Jas., 308-311, 313 
Harney, Gen. W. S., 265, 277 
Hart, — , scout, 328. 
Harvey, Jas. M., 207 
Haskell, John G., 208, 246 
Hawthorn, General, 122, 123 
Hayes, Colonel, 119 
Hazen, General, 317, 318, 328-330 
Henderson, Senator J. B., 265 
Herron, General, 54, 74, 75, 77-87, 

90, 91, 95 



Hindman, General (Confed.), 54, 

72-87, 90 

Hiner, Sergeant J. P., 13, 158, 159, 
174 

Hippie, Samuel, 6 

Hoflfman, General, 232 

Hoffman, S, E., 6 

Holeombe, James P., 187 

HolUday, C. K., 243 

Holman, Judge, 238-242 

Holmes, General (Confed.^, 95 

Honey Springs, engagement at, 95 

Hopkins, Captain, and his com- 
pany (Hopkins's battery), 59, 
61, 62, 70, 80, 81 

Hopkins, Major, 156, 158, 161, 162, 
164 

Houston, S. D., 6, 244 

Howe, Colonel, 46 

Howe, Julia Ward, 196 

Hoyt, Geo. H., 289, 306 

Hubbard, E. M., 6 

Humphrey, Jas., 249 

Hunting, see Game and hunting 
in Kansas 

Huntress, O., 254 

Hutchinson, Kansas, 10 

Hutchinson, W., 6 

Her, Col., and his command, 145 

Immigration Society, 226 

Indian claims, settlement of, 360 

et seq. 
Indian land frauds, 299 et seq. 
Indian troubles in Kansas, 204, 

208, 223, 224, 231, 232, 250-281, 

287-298, 316-336, 340, 341 
Ingalls, Anna Louisa Chesebrough, 

211-214 
IngaUs, John J., 5, 19, 201, 214, 

349 
Inman, Wm. M., 200 

Jackman's, Colonel, brigade, 155, 

166, 167 
Jaques, Col. James F., 188, 189 
Jenkins, Major, 323 
Jenkins's Ferry, battle of, 119- 

135 
Jenness, Captain, 260, 261 



INDEX 



437 



Jewell, Colonel, 71, 72 

Johnson, Andrew, 195, 234, 235, 

291, 308 
Johnson, Fielding, and Mrs., 241 
Johnson, Lieut., 51, 58, 333 
Joy, James F., 309-311, 313, 314 
Judson, Colonel, 77, 78 
Julian, George W., 307, 312 

Kansas, laws of Territory, 2, 3, 
16; legislature of Territory, 5; 
Constitution of State, 6, 15, 17; 
struggle of Free-State and Pro- 
slavery factions in, 6, 7, 15-17; 
drought of 1860 in, 7, 8, 17; 
boundaries of Territory, 7; ad- 
mission to Union, 18, 19; State 
government inaugurated, 19; 
State University, 23, 243; under 
martial law, 143, 144; volunteers 
furnished by, 204, 205, 208-210; 
reorganization of Militia, 207, 
225; literature distributed con- 
cerning, 215, 227; immigration 
into, 227, 228, 338 ; Agricultural 
College of, 243 

Kansas and Neosho Valley Rail- 
road, 233 

Kansas Pacific Eailroad, 230, 247, 
249, 284, 356-358 

Kellam, C. C, 240; and Mrs. Kel- 
1am, 241 

KeUey, Harrison, 207, 208, 246 

Kennedy, Dr., and his sister, 241 

Kestler," John, 268 

Kingman, S. A., 5, 201, 246 

Lakin, Mr., 241 

Lamb, Josiah, 5 

Lane, James H., 16, 19, 39, 144, 
148, 149, 207, 235, 236 

Langhorne, Captain, and his com- 
mand, 167 

Lawrence, Col., 240; and Mrs. 
Lawrence, 241 

Lawrence, Judge, 307 

Leavenworth, J. H., 267, 272 

Lee, A. L., 201 

Lee, Lieut., 58 

Lee, Rev., 239 

Leland, Cyrus, 208, 247 



Lesueur's, Captain, battery, 127, 

128 
Lexington, Mo., 39 
Liggett, J. D., 243 
Lillie, G. H., 6 
Lincoln, Abraham, 18, 182, 186, 

190, 191, 195-197, 210-214, 219- 

221 
Lindsay, John G., 21 
Lines, C. B., 243 
Little Blue, battle of the, 146 
Livermore, Mary A., 196 
Livingston, Tom, bushwhacker, 65 
Lockhart, Lieut. John O. (Con- 
fed.), capture and report of, 

125-128 
Loekwood, R. R., 200 
Log Town, skirmish at, 89 
Lowe, D. P., 249 
Lykins County, change of name 

of, 20 
Lynde, Major Isaac, 41 
Lyon, General, and his command, 

25-33, 36, 37 

Maclean, Lieut.-Col. L. A., 170 
MaeVicar, Peter, 201, 301, 303, 

306 
Malone, Frank, 269 
Manning, Lieut., 63-66 
Marcy, General, 137, 138, 270 
Marmaduke, Colonel, of Missouri, 

188, 191 
Marmaduke, General (Confed.), 54, 

68-73, 78, 82-86, 108, 130, 135, 

139, 141, 142, 147, 155-165, 168. 

170, 171, 174, 179, 180, 191, 198 
Martin, Dr. and Mrs., 241 
Martin, John A., 6, 207 
Massey, A. B., 22 
Mathews, Captain, 73 
May, Caleb, 5 
McAfee, J. B., 246 
McBratney, Robert, 200 
McCahon, James, 249, 284 
McClellan, Gen. George, 192, 193, 

195-197 
McClelland, C. B., 6 
McClure, Capt., 38 
McClure, J. R., 201 



438 



INDEX 



McCracken, Nelson, 200, 201 

McCuUoch, Gen. (Confed.), 26-29, 
31-33, 36 

MeCulloch, W., 6 

McCune, A. D., 6 

McDonald, Col. Emmet (Confed.), 
62, 63, 75-77, 86 

McDowell, Wm. C, 6 

McFarland, N. C, 359 

McGrew, James, 200 

Mclntoah, Colonel, and his com- 
mand, 97 

McKean, Wm. E., 314 

McKever, Brig. Gen. Chauncy, 258 

McLain's battery, 150, 151 

McManus, John, 314 

McNeil, General, and his command, 
140, 164-168, 172, 173, 175, 176, 
178 

Meade's, J. R., ranch on White 
Water River, 9 

Medary, Samuel, Governor of Ter- 
ritory, 5 

Medicine Lodge Council, 264, 265, 
274, 287, 288 

Miami (Lykins^ County, 20 

Middleton, J. A., 5 

Miles, Colonel, 362 

Miller, Judge, of Lawrence, Kan- 
sas, 241 

Miller, Judge, of Ohio, 191, 192 

Mine Creek, battle of, 157 

iGssouri and Kansas Territory, 2, 
3, 15, 16 

Missouri, Kansas, Texas Railroad, 
233, 356 

Mitchell, D. P., 243 

Mitchell, Col. (or Gen.) R. B., 20, 
22, 32, 40, 45 

Mobley, R. D., 291 

Montgomery, Colonel, and his com- 
mand, 145 

Montgomery, Miss, 241 

Moonlight, Col., 201 

Moore, Captain, 51 

Moore, Dr., 293, 294 

Moore, E., 6 

Moore, Jerry H., 371 

Moore, Lieut. Horace L., 59-61, 64- 
66, 73, 330.335 



Moore, Major, 260-262 

Morgan, Mrs., Indian captive, 327, 

334 
Morton, A. R., 21 
Morton, Captain, 66, 67 
Moscow, skirmish at, 113 
Mulligan, Col., 38, 39 
Munro, Mrs., 241 
Murdock, Col., and his command, 

145 
Murphy, Sergeant Patrick, 100 

National Union Convention, Balti- 
more, 1864, 194 

Navajo Indians, pursuit of, 47 

Naylor, J. C, 370 

Neal, Henry, 22 

Newson, Mr., 241 

Newtonia, battle of, 54, 177 

Nichols, Colonel, and his command, 
155, 167 

Nineteenth Kansas Cavalry, 325, 
326, 328, 331, 332, 334, 335 

Ninth Kansas Cavalry, 54, 67, 77 

Ninth Wisconsin Infantry, 54, 123 

Nye, Wm., 254 

Old Fort Wayne, battle of, 56 

Oliver's, Dick, ranch on Lee'n 
Creek, 91 

Osage Indians, 13, 204, 271, 280, 
281, 299-303, 305, 307, 309 

Osage Trust and Diminished Re- 
serve Lands, 299 

Osterhaus's, Major, battalion of 
Missouri Volunteers, 31 

Otis, Misses, 241 

Paddock, G. W., 243 

Palmer, L. R., 6 

Parks, P. S., 6 

Parrott, Marcus J., 16, 19 

Parsons, General, 80, 121-124, 129, 

130 
Pattee, E. L., 22 
Payne, Albert, 51 
Pea Ridge, battle of, 54 
Pendleton, George H., of Ohio, 193, 

197 
Perkins, — , 281 



INDEX 



439 



Perry, John D., 255 

Perry, Wm., 6 

Phelps, Colonel John E., 156 

Phillips, Colonel, 140, 141, 159- 
162, 164, 173, 174, 176 

PhilUps, W. A., 16 

Pierce, Major A. E., 174 

Pipher, John, 244 

Pleasonton, General, 141, 144, 146- 
154, 159, 162, 168, 172-176, 202 

Pliley, A. J., 295, 323 

Plummer, see First U. S. Infantry 

Poison Springs, battle of, 117, 124- 
127 

Pomeroy, S. C, 16, 19, 20, 212, 
245, 348, 349 

Pope, Gen., 39 

Porter, B. J., 6 

Potts, Capt., 298 

Prairie d'Ane, battle of, 111, 114 

Prairie Grove, battle of, 76 

Prentice, Thaddeus, 200 

Presidential election of 1864, 185 
et seq. 

Preston, H. D., 6 

Price, Fay, 67 

Price, Gen. (Confed.), 26, 27, 31, 
32, 39, 108, 109, 111, 115-118, 
123, 130, 133, 133, 139-147, 149- 
155, 157-159, 163, 164, 166-173, 
175-181, 197, 198, 201-203 

Price, John M., 249, 284, 285 

Price, Lieut., 261 

Eabb's, Captain, Second Indiana 
battery, 54, 61, 68-70, 80, 81, 94, 
96, 99, 100, 113, 116 

Railroad-building, 224, 230, 233, 
234, 247, 249, 255-258, 263, 268, 
284, 301, 302, 312, 355-359 

Eains, Gen. (Confed.), 27 

Rankin, Col. and Mrs., 241 

Rankin, J. K., 208, 265, 276 

Raymond, Henry J., of New York, 
194 

Reaser, J. G., 244 

Rebel Yell, 76, 79, 113 

Remiatee, Adjutant, 155 

Remington, S. E., 240; and Mrs., 
241. 



Eepublican party in Kansas, 3 
Eeynolds, Matt. G., 362 
Reynolds, Eev., 239 
Rice, General Samuel A., 110, 112, 

114, 119-121, 123-125, 130, 131 
Richardson, Colonel, 77 
Eiggs, S. A., 249, 284, 285 
Eitchie (Col. or Gen.) John, 6, 53, 

240 ; and Mrs. Eitchie, 241 
Eobinson, Charles, 16, 19, 243, 337 
Eobinson, Mrs. Charles, 16 
Eoot, Dr. J. P., 19, 92, 237, 240, 

265 
Eoseerans, General, 140, 145, 165, 

172, 175-177 
Eoss, Col., and his command, 145 
Boss, Edmond G., 6, 208, 236-238, 

245, 265, 309, 313, 345 
Eussell, Capt., and his company, 

32, 34, 53, 59, 60, 72, 76 

Sac and Fox Lands, fraudulent 
sale of, 314, 316 

Safford, Jacob, 200 

Safford, Judge and Mrs., 241 

Salomon, General, and his com- 
mand, 54, 78, 81, 111, 118, 119, 
130 

Sanborn, General, 140-142, 153-155, 
175-177, 265 

Sanders, W. E., 201 

Schermerhorn, John F., 364 

Schofleld, General, 54, 91 

Schofield, Major J. M., 36 

Schreyer's, Lieut. Gustavus, com- 
pany, 33, 34 

Sears, T. C, 243 

Second Arkansas Cavalry, 155 

Second Artillery, 28 

Second Brigade, see Sigel's Sec- 
ond Brigade 

Second Colorado Cavalry, 150, 152, 
156, 161 

Second Indiana battery, see Babb 's 
battery 

Second Kansas Cavalry, 39, 40, 45, 
54-63, 69-72, 75, 76, 78, 80, 87, 
88, 90, 91, 93, 96, 97, 99-103, 
116, 156, 161, 174; Company A, 
45, 58; B, 59; C, 45, 46, 58; D, 



440 



INDEX 



Second Kansas — Continued 

45, 59, 60 ; E, 59, 60 ; F, 58 ; G, 
58; H, 59; I, 58; K, 59. 

Second Kansas Colored Infantry, 
see Eighty-third U. S. Colored 
Infantry. 

Second Kansas Infantry, 22, 25, 
27, 28, 31, 33-35, 37-39 

Second Missouri Volunteers, 28 

Second Wisconsin, 80 

Seventeenth Kansas Eegiment, 223 

Seventh Cavalry, 260, 261, 325, 326, 
329, 331, 332 

Seventy-ninth Colored Infantry, 
116, 117 

Seymour, Horatio, of New York, 
186, 188, 189 

Shelbina, battle of, 37 

Shelby, Col. Joe (later General^, 
Confed., 54, 71, 75-79, 85, 86, 
110, 135, 139, 141, 147, 150-152, 
155, 157, 163, 164, 166-171, 179- 
181, 198 

Sheldon, Mr. and Mrs., 241 

Sheridan, General, 287, 288, 290, 
293, 296, 297, 315-320, 324-330 

Shoemaker, Miller & Co., 247 

Shoemaker, E. M., 255-257 

Sibley, Major H. H., and his com- 
mand, 41-45 

Sigel, Col., 25, 32, 36, 37 

Sigel's Second Brigade, 28, 30-32 

Signor, J. H., 6 

Simpson, B. F., 5, 346 

Sixteenth Kansas Cavalry, 150, 
152, 223 

Sixth Kansas Cavalry, 54, 71, 77, 
116 

Sixth Missouri Cavalry, 96, 99, 100 

Slavery in Kansas, 3, 6, 7, 15-17 

Slayback's regiment, 166 

Siemens, Colonel, and his command, 
164 

Slough, Colonel, 42 

Slough, J. P., 6 

Smith, — , 281 

Smith, General A. J., 140, 142, 144, 
147, 176, 177, 255, 257, 259, 264 

Smith, Jake, 241 

Smith, General Kirby (Confed.), 



108, 114, 118, 130, 133, 135, 198 
Snoddy, Colonel, and his command, 

145 
Snow, — , Indian agent, 271 
Soldiers — real and political, 84, 

85 
Souders, George N., 187 
Sparks, W. A. J., 359 
Spriggs, Wm., 200, 249 
Squires, Zack, 3 
Stand Watie and his Indians, 53, 

92-95, 135-137 
Stanley, Capt., 25, 27, 362 
Stanley, Henry M., 278 
Starrett, W. A., 243 
" State Row," Topeka, 203 
Steamboats, capture of, 89-91 
Steele, Capt. Fred., 27; General, 

108-119, 130, 135, 139, 145, 179 
Steele, J. W., 240, 241 
Stevens, Eobt. S., 314 
Stiarwalt, J., 6 
Stillwell, Jack, 295 
Stinson, S. A., 6 
Stokes, Ed., 6 
Stone, Lucy, 196 
Stotler, Jacob, 237 
Stover, Major E. S., 288 
Stover's howitzers, 58, 59, 62, 69, 

80, 81, 89, 90, 96 
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 196 
Stringf ellow, — , 16 
Sturgis, Gen., 39 
Sturgis, Major, 35, 36 
Sturgis 's, Major, First Brigade, 

28, 30 
Sully, General, 288, 290, 296, 318 
Swallow, J. E., 200, 306 
Sweeney, Gen., 25 

Tappan, General J. C, 122 

Tappan, Col. S. F., 265 

Taylor, General Dick (Confed.), 

108, 198 
Taylor, Hon. N. G., 265, 275 
Teller, Hon. Henry M., 354, 359 
Tenney's, Captain, battery, 80 
Tenth Cavalry, 261 
Tenth Illinois, 80 
Tenth Kansas Infantry, 54, 80, 210 



INDEX 



441 



Terry, Gen. A. H., 265, 277 
Thacher, S. O., 6, 201, 243 
Thayer, General, 108-110, 113, 116, 

119, 130, 133, 134, 136, 138, 142 
Third Brigade, see Andrews ' Third 

Brigade 
«' Third House," the, 207 
Third Indian Eegiment, 80 
Third Iowa Infantry, 37 
Third Kansas battery, 365 
Third Missouri Volunteers, 28 
Third Wisconsin Cavalry, 54, 66, 

77, 97, 104 
Thirteenth Kansas Infantry, 54, 

80 
Tliirty-sixth Iowa, 118 
Thirty-third Iowa Eegiment, 129 
Tholen, Wm., 200 
Tholen 's, Capt,, company, 32, 33 
Thompson, — , attacked by Indians, 

268 
Thompson, Ed. D., 22 
Thompson family, murdered by 

Indians, 268 
Thompson's brigade, 166 
Torrey, Miss, 241 
Totten 's battery, 25, 27, 28, 31-33, 

35 
Tough, Captain, 76 
Townsend, P. H., 5 
Trudell, Pete, 295 
Tuttle, Miss Helen E. (Mrs. I. H. 

Holman), 239 
Twelfth Kansas Infantry, 54, 119, 

136 
Twentieth Iowa, 81 
Twenty-ninth Iowa, Regiment, 123, 

125 
Twenty-seventh Wisconsin Regi- 
ment, 129 
Tyler's, General (or Colonel), 

brigade, 155, 169 

Updegraff, W. W., 19 

Vail, Rt. Rev. Bishop T. H., 239 



Vallandigham, C. L., of Ohio, 186- 

189, 192 
Veale, Colonel, and his command, 

145, 241 
Vore, Major (Confed.), 97 

Walker, Thaddeus H., 289 

Walker's division of Texas in- 
fantry, 129, 130, 135 

Ward, Miss, 241 

Ware, Eugene F., 370 

Warren, G. F., 6 

Wattle's, Colonel, battalion cf 
Indians, 80 

Waul's Texas brigade, 129 

Webber's Falls, fight near, 136 

Weer's, Colonel, brigade, 80 

Wells, Colonel, 121 

Westport, battle of, 150 

Wetts, William, 10 

Wever, J. L., 243 

White, Miss, Indian captive, 327, 
334 

Whittenhall, Captain, 46, 50, 51 

Whittier, John G., 238 

Wichita, Kansas, 9, 10, 321, 322 

Wickersham, Colonel, 77-80 

Williams, Col., 37, 38, 116 

Williams, Lieut., 270 

Williams, R. L., 5 

Williams, W, G., and John, 269 

Wilson's Creek, 27; battle of, 30, 
157 

Winans, N. T., 208 

Winchell, J. M., 6 

Wines, Chaplain, 92 

Wood, S. N., 249 

Woodworth, W. L., 244 

Wright, John, 6 

Wright, T. S., 6 

Wright, W. W., 240, 247 

Wrigley, B., 6 

Wyandotte State Convention, 5 

York, Senator A, M,, 348 



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